Goodness and Power
International New York Times | 28 April 2015
David Brooks
There was an interesting poll result about Hillary Clinton last week. According to a Quinnipiac poll,
60 percent of independent voters believe that she has strong leadership
qualities. But when these same voters were asked if she is honest and
trustworthy, the evaluations flipped. Sixty-one percent said she is not
honest and trustworthy. Apparently there are a lot of Americans who
believe that Hillary Clinton is dishonest and untrustworthy but also a
strong leader.
Let’s
set aside her specific case for a second. These poll results raise a
larger question: Can you be a bad person but a strong leader?
The
case for that proposition is reasonably straightforward. Politics is a
tough, brutal arena. People play by the rules of the jungle. Sometimes
to get anything done, a leader has to push, bully, intimidate, elide the
truth. The qualities that make you a good person in private life —
kindness, humility and a capacity for introspection — can be drawbacks
on the public stage. Electing a president is different than finding a
friend or lover. It’s better to hire a ruthless person to do a hard job.
I
get that argument, but outside the make-believe world of “House of
Cards,” it’s usually wrong. Voting for someone with bad private morals
is like setting off on a battleship with awesome guns and a rotting
hull. There’s a good chance you’re going to sink before the voyage is
over.
People
who are dishonest, unkind and inconsiderate have trouble attracting and
retaining good people to their team. They tend to have sleazy friends.
They may be personally canny, but they are almost always surrounded by
sycophants and second-raters who kick up scandal and undermine the
leader’s effectiveness.
Leaders who lack humility are fragile. Their pride is bloated and sensitive. People are never treating them as respectfully as they think they deserve. They become consumed with resentments. They treat politics as battle, armor up and wall themselves off to information and feedback.
You
may think they are championing your cause or agenda, but when the fur
is flying, they are really only interested in defending themselves. They
keep an enemies list and life becomes a matter of settling scores and
imagining conspiracies. They jettison any policy that might hurt their
standing.
It
is a paradox of politics that the people who set out obsessively to
succeed in it usually end up sabotaging themselves. They treat each
relationship as a transaction and don’t generate loyalty. They lose any
honest internal voice. After a while they can’t accurately perceive
themselves or their situation. Sooner or later their Watergate will
come.
Maybe
once upon a time there was an environment in which ruthless
Machiavellians had room to work their dark arts, but we don’t live in
Renaissance Italy. We live in a world of universal media attention. Once
there is a hint of scandal of any kind, the political world goes into
maximum frenzy and everything stops.
We
live in a world in which power is dispersed. You can’t intimidate
people by chopping your enemies to bits in the town square. Even the
presidency isn’t a powerful enough office to allow a leader to rule by
fear. You have to build coalitions by appealing to people’s
self-interest and by luring them voluntarily to your side.
Modern
politics, like private morality, is about building trust and enduring
personal relationships. That means being fair, empathetic, honest and
trustworthy. If you stink at establishing trust, you stink at politics.People
with good private morality are better at navigating for the long term.
They genuinely love causes beyond themselves. When the news cycle
distracts and the short-term passions surge, they can still steer by
that distant star. They’re less likely to overreact and do something
stupid.
People
with astute moral sentiments have an early warning system. They don’t
have to think through the dangers of tit-for-tat favor-exchanges with
billionaires. They have an aesthetic revulsion against people who seem
icky and situations that are distasteful, which heads off a lot of
trouble.
Of course, private morality is not enough. You have to know how to react to unprincipled people who want to destroy you.
But,
historically, most effective leaders — like, say, George Washington,
Theodore Roosevelt and Winston Churchill — had a dual consciousness.
They had an earnest, inner moral voice capable of radical
self-awareness, rectitude and great compassion. They also had a
pragmatic, canny outer voice. These two voices were in constant
conversation, checking each other, probing for synthesis, wise as a
serpent and innocent as a dove.
I
don’t know if Hillary Clinton possesses this double-mindedness. But I
do know that if candidates don’t acquire a moral compass outside of
politics, they’re not going to get it in the White House, and they won’t
be effective there.
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