Pseng-Pseng
20i20
Hun Sen Plays Heredity Card
“ខ្ញុំគួរយកឱកាសនេះដើម្បីបញ្ជាក់ជូនបន្តិចថា ខ្ញុំត្រូវការពេលវេលា១០ឆ្នាំទៀតដើម្បីកាន់ដំណែងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា… គេ [ហ៊ុន ម៉ាណែត] ក៏ត្រូវរង់ចាំរហូតដល់ទៅក្រោយឆ្នាំ២០២៨ ឬក្រោយឆ្នាំ២០២៩ ឬរហូតដល់ឆ្នាំ២០៣០ ទើបអាចប្រឡូកនៅក្នុងតួនាទីជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីបាន។ ជាការបញ្ជាក់ហើយបញ្ជាក់ទៀត បើឪពុកវាកំពុងតែធើ តើកូនមានលទ្ធភាព តើមានលទ្ធភាពឯណា មកដណ្តើមអំណាចពីឪពុក? អ្វីដែលខ្ញុំគូស ត្រូវបញ្ជាក់ថា ប្រទេសយើងជាប្រទេសប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ មិនមែនជាប្រទេសដែលផ្ទេរពីអំណាចពីឪពុកទៅកូន តាមរបៀបមួយដូចជានៅប្រទេសខ្លះនោះទេ ត្រូវឆ្លងកាត់ការបោះឆ្នោត។ មួយវិញទៀត បើទោះបីជាឪពុកចាកចេញនៅពេលនេះ ក៏ប្រហែលជាមិនទាន់ដល់ពេលវេន ដែលកូនមកកាន់ដំណែងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ក្នុងពេលដែលមេដឹកនាំក្នុងប្រទេសជាសហការីរបស់ខ្ញុំនៅពេលនេះ កំពុងតែស្ថិតនៅទីនោះដែរ។ ដូច្នេះប្រាកដណាស់ថា យើងត្រូវគិតគូរអំពីរបៀបដោះស្រាយបញ្ហាផ្ទៃក្នុងរបស់យើង។”
នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន ថ្ងៃទី១៤ មករា ២០២០ វិទ្យុបារាំងអន្តរជាតិ
After having sent his main opposition into coma, Hun Sen is now negotiating with fate when he says he wants another ten years so that he can remain a premier. This is not to effect or oversee any long-term strategic plan that would benefit the weak and vulnerable. He just wants to hang around long enough to be certain his son Manet inherits a family-owned property he would incorporate, “Cambodia Inc”.
He is confident that he will, during the next decade, sail through two democratic charades: CPP nominations to stand as a prime minister candidate for two more general elections; and assured victories in both polls. He has more than enough control to ensure the CPP Central Committee and the National Election Committee will bow to his wishes and deliver. Many of Hun Sen’s opponents belittle this power as they are naïve enough to entertain a noble aspiration that their parties, whether comatose or alive, can topple Hun Sen at elections he cannot afford to lose.
Another thing that Hun Sen is sure of is the current senior CPP elite would be not receptive to Manet taking over the premiership. A secret ballot he tightly conducted and controlled in January 2019 – he has kept the outcomes to himself – shows a majority of the CPP Central Committee of about 900 members favours Sar Kheng as his successor, not Manet. Hun Sen had asked them to select one among Manet, Sar Kheng, Aun Ponmoniroth, Say Chhum, and Prak Sokhon. Hun Sen reminds his son that while those seniors are still around, it is not his turn for the job; he says party’s internal issues would need to be managed. This is where the Hun Sen ten-year wait comes in. He hopes time will ensure dissenting seniors fall off the perch – if not having one foot in the grave – assuming of course that his own health permits him to linger on.
Hence, while claiming his democracy does not allow position heredity from father to son, Hun Sen openly manipulates the CPP to make Manet his dynastic heir. Could he afford to let Manet make his own moves? Unlikely. The family business and accumulated wealth must be protected at all costs.
Then, does Westpoint graduate Hun Manet have a killer instinct to, in his father explicit words, “snatch” the power from his father without the ten-year delay? The father says he doubts it. Hun Manet may agree with this lack-of-faith assessment of his ability and waits for his daddy to hand him on a silver platter the Cambodia Inc.
Without the killer instinct, however, Manet will struggle to keep under control his rivals, both inside and outside the CPP. His father will have left so numerous loose ends spread like a deadly cobweb that could overwhelm him.
However, Manet might be lucky. The oppositions may enjoy the coma so much that they become brain-dead. His omnipotent father could either do a Mahathir here-I-am-back-from-the-edge-of-the-grave trick or rise from his grave and take him in hand.
Ung Bun Ang
20i20
Funny News You Can Use
Now it is clear why the trial of Kem Sokha for treason must be virtually in the dark. According to Ministry of Justice spokesman Chin Malin, those who are interested in the case have a short attention and interest span with limited capacity to understand legal complexity that usually comes with a trial charade.
Besides, Chin Malin says the government is short of money and technology to allow more than some 30 people to hear and witness the trial. That is right, the government is broke after Hun Sen has just thrown a dinner and entertainment party for some six thousand journalists. These are the people Hun Sen lauds to be a government partner for development and agent of truth.
Hence, the fact that they are not at the trial means either the court is conducting only a monkey business, not worth reporting with accuracy and truth, or their brain capability is limited to enjoying free food and drinks and ingratiating themselves with Hun Sen.
«ការដែលនាំគ្នាបង្ហាញក្តីកង្វល់ព្រួយបារម្ភគឺជាការចង់ជាការជ្រួលជ្រើមតាមតែការនឹកឃើញ ដូចបទពិសោធន៍នៅសាលាក្តីខ្មែរក្រហម គឺពីដំបូងគឺចង់អ៊ីចឹងណាស់ សំខាន់ណាស់ ដល់ពេលគេឱ្យចូលមើលគ្រប់គ្នាទៅ ដំណើរការនីតិវិធីវាស្មុគស្មាញវាវែង ក៏លែងមានអ្នកចូលទៅ ហើយគេឡាយផ្ទាល់ឱ្យមើលទៅ ក៏មិនមានអ្នកមើលទៀត។»
អ្នកនាំពាក្យក្រសួងយុត្តិធម៌ ជិន ម៉ាលីន ថ្ងៃ ទី១៦ ខែមករា ឆ្នាំ២០២០
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