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Pseng-Pseng

24iii19

Revival of Hun Dynasty?

“... ហើយពូអត់ខ្លាចអ្នកណាបំពុលទេ អត់ខ្លាចអ្នកណាបំពុលទេ ហើយខ្ញុំមិនជឿ លើកលែងតែពួកភេរវជនដែលចង់អោយពូស្លាប់។ មិនដឹងថាមានការអីកើតឡើង កុំភាន់ច្រឡំណា៎ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញកម្ពុជា ខ្ញុំកំពុងតែគិតគូរ កែឬមិនកែ។ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញរដ្ឋកម្ពុជា គេប្រើពាក្យអញ្ចេះ នៅពេលដែលដំណែង នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីនៅទំនេរជាស្ថាពរ គណៈរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមួយត្រូវរៀបចំឡើងវិញ។​ មានន័យថាម៉េច? មានន័យថា បើនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ស្លាប់ គឺរដ្ឋាភិបាលអាលាយតែម្ដង អាលាយ។ អត់មានអ្នកណាធើ នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្ដីទី បានទេ អត់មានទេ អាហ្នឹងត្រូវអោយច្បាស់នៅកន្លែងហ្នឹង ត្រូវអោយច្បាស់។​”

នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃ១៣ មិនា​ ២០១៩ យូធូប

“ហើយឥឡូវនេះពូជាប្រធានបក្សផង​ ជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីផង អញ្ចឹងអ្នកណានឹងស្នើអ្នកណា ជាបេក្ខភាពនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ជាអ្នកណា? ... រឿងមិនមែនលេងសើចទេណា៎ មិនមែន លេងសើចទេ។ ដល់អត់ពីហ៊ុនសែនទៅ ត្រួតត្រាមិនបាន រត់ជាន់ជើងគ្នា រឿងហ្នឹង។”

នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃ១៣ មិនា​ ២០១៩ យូធូប

“តិចរដ្ឋមន្រ្តីបន់អោយនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្លាប់ រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីបន់អោយនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្លាប់ មានដំណែងហ្នឹង ស្មើបន់អោយឯងអស់សក្តិនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីដែរ ត្រូវច្បាស់ណា នៅត្រង់ហ្នឹងរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញចែងច្បាស់ ហើយ អាចំណុចហ្នឹង។... បើសិនជាពូងាប់ វាអត់ មាននរណាតែងតាំងនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីស្ដីទីកើតទេ អញ្ចឹងរដ្ឋាភិបាលហ្នឹងវាអាលាយ បណ្ដោយ។ អញ្ចឹងកុំបន់អោយហ៊ុនសែនងាប់អី កុំបន់អោយហ៊ុនសែនងាប់អី​។”

នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែន  ថ្ងៃ១៣ មិនា​ ២០១៩ យូធូប

It seems the Hun dynasty is ready to re-emerge after disappearing for over a thousand years. Remember the legend of Preah Thong and Neang Neak who establish the first royal dynasty in Nokor Phnom of the pre-Angkor era? Contemporary Chinese envoys Kang Tai and Zhu Ying call them “Hun Tien”, Liu Ye, and Funan respectively. If Hun Sen has his way, there will be a second coming of the Hun dynasty.

Hun Sen is flagging another butchering time for the Constitution as if it has not been through enough in the past decades. Previous ones are for Hun Sen to control the country while alive; this time seems to ensure he can run it from his grave, albeit via a proxy; hence, a revival of the Hun dynasty.

Hun Sen says the Constitution needs amending because it has no provision for replacing a dead or permanently-absent premier. He claims without an amendment there will be power vacuum that leads to chaos after his demise.

He is dead wrong, at least on the first account.

The Constitution indeed has adequate provisions to address Hun Sen’s pretext. In the event of a permanent vacancy, Article 125 of the Constitution refers to Article 119 that spells out how a premier is installed. It requires the president and two vice-presidents of the National Assembly to forward their premier nomination to the king who will then send the nominee and a new government to the National Assembly for a vote of confidence before a royal assent is promulgated. If the three legislature dignitaries all dropped dead at the time, which is highly unlikely, the Constitution might need some tweaking. Still, a powerful Hun Sen can arrange that outcome when necessary – like what he has it done to Hok Lundi, Kem Ley, Chut Wutty, and other distractions.

Why does Hun Sen choose to misrepresent the Constitution and circumvent Article 119 and 125?

From his perspective, the main problem with these articles is that they deprive him of power to nominate his successor; they only come into play after his demise. This is unacceptable to any autocrat who aims to control worldly affairs from their grave. He wants to ensure his eldest son Manet succeeds him as premier. And he doubts if Manet ever will, without the amendment.

Hun Sen is aware of internal CPP exasperations. First, he warns his government ministers not to wish him dead, which means some of them must have done so behind his back. He points out the obvious that they will lose their ministerial position when the government must dissolve upon his death. Second, a secret ballot Hun Sen conducts last January within the CPP Central Committee shows they prefer Sar Kheng as the next premier. Once they are convinced that Hun Sen is dead and will not resurrect, the National Assembly – dominated by the CPP Central Committee members – may ignore Hun Manet under Article 119.

Yet, Cambodia may end up with a hereditary premiership in a non-hereditary monarchy. How weird.

Ung Bun Ang

24iii19

Fake News You Can Use

Sar Kheng makes his drug bursts so simple that you don’t have to be smart to understand. In fact, it is easier to understand if you are less smart.

He says there is only one policeman who is single-handedly responsible for the 50 kg of drugs stacked away in the Club Rock. He is now on the run, and Sar Kheng asks he give himself up for some clemency. For the more than 500 kg of drugs that have been confiscated since 2018, this unlucky law enforcer is the only one Sar Kheng is after. This is a drug bust with such a surgical precision that must be a model for the rest of world.

The bugger must be wondering why he is the only one sacrificial lamb in the patronage system that is deeply-rooted all over the government echelons.

«ដូច​ខ្ញុំ​បាន​និយាយ​នៅ (សាលា) រាជធានី ថា ក្នុង​ប៉ុន្មាន​នាក់​ហ្នឹង ឥឡូវ​យើង​ឃើញ​ថា មាន​ប៉ូលិស​មួយ ដែល​កំពុង​តាម​រក​ចាប់ខ្លួន​។ មាន​ដីកា​នៅ​។ មាន​ដីកា​ហើយ​។ គេច​ទៅ​ណា​ក៏​អត់​រួច​ដែរ​។ រឿង​រកស៊ី​គ្រឿងញៀន គេច​ទៅ​ណា ក៏​មិន​រួច​ដែរ។ បើ​ថា ល្អ មក​បង្ហាញខ្លួន​មក​។ វា​អាច​ថា មាន​ការ​បន្ធូរបន្ថយ​អ្វីខ្លះ ក្រែង​តុលាការ​បន្ធូរបន្ថយ ខ្ញុំ​មិន​ដឹង​ទេ ប៉ិន​គ្រាន់​ថា បើ​ថា គេច​ទៅ​ណា ក៏​គេច​មិន​រួច​ដែរ។ យើង​ស្គាល់​អត្តសញ្ញាណ ស្គាល់​អ្វី​អស់ហើយ។»

រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ ស ខេង ថ្ងៃ​ទី១១ ខែ​មីនា ឆ្នាំ២០១៩ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី

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Pseng-Pseng is published irregularly. Previous issues are archived at pseng-pseng.blogspot.com