Mu Sochua (Photo: Vital Voices)
Crackdown in Cambodia
International New York Times / Opinion by Mu Sochua | 8 Jan. 2014
PHNOM
PENH, Cambodia — On Dec. 29, more than 100,000 Cambodians — garment
workers, teachers, farmers and students from all over the country —
marched through the streets of the capital calling for Hun Sen, our
long-serving prime minister-dictator, to step down or allow an
independent investigation into the flawed national elections that took
place in July.
And he could not tolerate it. He would sooner draw blood than enact real reform.
For
almost three decades, Hun Sen — a Khmer Rouge defector who was put in
power after Vietnam toppled Pol Pot’s regime in 1979 — has convinced
foreign governments to pour aid into the country, even while the ruling
Cambodian People’s Party has rigged elections, sold off our natural
resources, imprisoned journalists, union leaders, opposition politicians
and human rights activists. Some 250,000 people have been evicted
because of land concessions that favor the rich and well-connected.
On
July 28, vast swaths of the country — civil servants, indebted farmers,
educated youth from both the cities and the countryside — tried to vote
for change. But the election was neither free nor fair. A recent report
by the Electoral Reform Alliance, a group of independent local and
international nongovernmental organizations, describes massive
irregularities, including fraudulent voter registries, which may have
disenfranchised 1.25 million eligible voters. So the peaceful protests
began.
Factory
workers joined the movement a few weeks ago. About 500,000 Cambodians
are garment workers; most are employed by factories owned by foreigners
with the backing of high-ranking Cambodian officials or the military and
produce clothes for international brands like H&M, Nike, Gap and
Adidas. After the government refused to raise the minimum wage to $160
per month, some unions called for a general strike and workers started
staging nonviolent sit-ins in front of the Labor Ministry and the
Council of Ministers.
Then,
last Friday, in an industrial area on the outskirts of Phnom Penh,
hundreds of military policemen and municipal police forces opened fire
with AK-47’s and handguns on a crowd of protesters. At least four people
were killed and over 29 were injured, most garment workers. The human
rights group Licadho called the shootings “the worst state violence
against civilians to hit Cambodia in 15 years.”
The
next day, police forces, municipal security guards and thugs wearing
motorcycle helmets and red armbands stormed Democracy Square, a park the
government had designated as a haven for peaceful protest. They evicted
its occupants, wielding axes, hammers, metal pipes and wooden sticks.
They then destroyed what had become, for the country’s myriad
marginalized citizens, a rare zone for free speech, a meeting place, a
sanctuary. They tore down the stage and leveled a Buddhist altar. They
smashed loudspeakers, metal donation boxes and first-aid tents.
Fear,
and memories of past crackdowns, rapidly spread beyond Democracy Square
that afternoon as thousands of security forces patrolled Phnom Penh to
break up public gatherings and threaten bystanders, while military
helicopters, newly purchased from China, buzzed overhead.
That
same day the Interior Ministry revoked freedom of assembly. And the
municipal court issued a summons for the C.N.R.P.’s president, Sam
Rainsy, the C.N.R.P.’s vice president, Kem Sokha, and the head of the
Cambodian Independent Teachers’ Association, Rong Chhun, to appear next
Tuesday for questioning about incitement of criminal acts and social
disturbance.
Yet blame for the chaos and the violence lies with the government.
On
Dec. 20, after the C.N.R.P. announced that it would call for sit-ins on
main thoroughfares if the stalemate continued, Hun Sen issued this
warning: “Blocking roads is blocking one’s own blood vein.” The
government, he added, “would not allow action that would jeopardize
national security, and I would urge precaution of the third hand,” a
euphemism for government repression. It wouldn’t be the first time if,
last Friday, the authorities had sent in agents provocateurs among the
protesters in order to cause disturbances that could then justify the
government’s intervention.
Despite
the government’s attempt to scare them into silence, the Cambodian
people remain strong and united in their desire to see their country
move out of the shadow of the Khmer Rouge and into the light that is
genuine democracy.
In
this, they deserve more support than they have received. The
international community, long content to take Cambodia’s apparent
economic and social stability at face value, must now recognize the
brutality of this government’s methods and help put an end to them and
their underlying causes.
Foreign
governments could provide technical and financial support for electoral
reforms, including reform of the voter-registration system, so that a
new election could be held within two years. An investigation must be
conducted into the government’s use of lethal force against protesters,
perhaps by the International Criminal Court itself.
Foreign
companies also have a role to play, by easing the despair of underpaid
factory workers: If they reduced their profit margins just slightly, the
workers could be paid a living wage without jeopardizing Cambodia’s
long-term competitiveness in the garment sector. Gap, Adidas and other
companies took a welcome step on Tuesday by condemning the use of force
in an open letter to the government and calling for “a robust minimum
wage review mechanism based on international good practices.”
Democracy
Square now stands empty, save for the military police who watch over
it. Must it become a symbol of another dark day in Cambodia’s history,
made darker by those who watched and did nothing?
Mu Sochua, a former minister of women’s affairs, is a member-elect of the National Assembly for the Cambodia National Rescue Party.
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