Pseng-Pseng
Why Thai Infighting Must Go On
“The Crown Prince, because he will be new, may not be as popular
as His Majesty the King. However, he will have less problem because the palace
circle will be smaller, because of being new in the reign… He's not the King
yet, he may not be shining. But after he becomes the King I'm confident he can
be shining to perform Kingship... It's not his time yet. But when the time
comes I think he will be able to perform… Yes, yes [The royal institution needs
reform].”
Thaksin Shinawatra,
November, 2009, Interview with The Times.
“We’ve seen pictures of
his previous wives and girlfriends put out on the internet nude, they’re
pictures taken of them nude in the palace. How they leaked out was another
issue. Some macho people, some Thai guys might think it’s cool, it shows he’s a
king who commands, who has a harem and things like that, but for the most part,
a prince is someone in the royal family who must protect the institution of the
monarchy, they must build it, they must keep its image strong, and this does
nothing but make it a point of ridicule.”
Author of “The King Never Smiles” Paul M Handley, 14 April 2010,
ABC Foreign Correspondents
Though each
opposing side in Thailand speaks of a noble cause of democracy for their
infighting, their fundamental drive is to control the next monarch. The revered
King Bhumibol Adulyadej is frail and
ailing; and the question of a suitable successor has been lingering and underlining
an unspoken war over the
royal succession waged by competing factions of the Thai elite for years.
At the Yellow corner is a group Thaksin refers to as palace
circle dominated by three former prime ministers: General Prem Tinsulanonda, Anand
Panyarachun, and Air Chief Marshall Siddhi Savetsila. Prem is president of the 18
member Privy Council that the 2007 constitution gives many roles and powers associated
with issues surrounding the monarchy. The trio, who
are closest to the palace, revile Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn’s lifestyle,
unfit to be revered; they dread the day the crown prince becomes king. Anand
reports in 2009 a consensus among many Thais that the crown prince could not
stop, nor would he be able to rectify, his misbehaviour. Siddhi tells US
ambassador Eric John almost hopefully in 2010, “if the crown prince were to
die, anything could happen, and maybe Prathep [Princess Sirindhorn] could
succeed.”
Another
group of ex-prime ministers led by Thaksin Shinawatra are at the Red corner.
They look forward to Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn taking over the reign. Privy councillor Siddhi speculates that Vajiralongkorn would be ready to welcome
fugitive and self-exiled Thaksin back to Thailand once he becomes king.
Both sides are fighting for the
control of the parliament that has the constitutional power to proclaim King
Bhumibol’s successor. Previous four general elections in 2001, 2005, 2007, and
2011 give Thaksin and his political proxies easy victories in parliament. Shinawatra’s
populist policies continue to galvanise solid support among the rural poor.
The seemingly unstoppable rise and
rise of the Shinawatras’ political force and influence has caused an
uncontrollable anxiety within the palace circle. Since 2005, all political
sabotages have failed to the curb the Shinawatra’s clout, and derail the royal
succession. These include coup d’etats the palace supports; former prime minister
Samak Sundaravej complains
to Ambassador John that Queen Sirikit encourages the 2006 coup d’etat.
These successive failed attempts
to command the parliament have sent the palace circle into a full-blown panic
mode. Now that they have instigated a fresh coup d’etat to give them a
temporary reprieve, perhaps it is time they consulted Hun Sen on how to
organise an election that guarantees desirable outcomes. Or they may just
proceed to proclaim Princess Sirindhorn
as Queen after the king dies. It is unlikely, though, the Thaksin group will
allow this to happen.
There is just too much at stake. The
trophy prize of this prolonged antagonism is the role of a kingmaker controlling
the vast royal fortune estimated at more than $37 billion. The victor will
potentially be able to dominate Thailand politically and economically for years
to come. That is why the infighting must be so bitter, vicious, and protracting
in the foreseeable future.
Ung Bun Ang
01vi14
(Pseng-Pseng issued every 1st,
10th, and 20th of each month)
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