Hun Sen and the Killer Two-Thirds

Pseng-Pseng

Hun Sen and the Killer Two-thirds

  «… ប៉ុន្តែ​ ២ ភាគ ៣ នៃ​ការ​បង្កើត​គណៈកម្មការ​ជាតិ​រៀបចំ​ការ​បោះ​ឆ្នោត​ បើសិន​វា​គាំង​គឺ​​សម្លាប់​ប្រជា​ធិបតេយ្យ​នៅ​ស្រុក​ខ្មែរ​តែ​ម្តង។ សុំអ្នក​វិភាគ​ទាំងឡាយ​យល់​អោយច្បាស់​អំពី​កន្លែង​ហ្នឹង។ បើ​អ្នក​ឯង​ទារ​២ ភាគ​ ៣ គឺ​អត់​បាន​ទេ និយាយ​​ដាច់ខាត គឺ​អត់​តែ​ម្តង។ »

CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 1 July 2014, TVK

«ខ្ញុំ​គ្រាន់​តែ​ផ្តាំ​ជូន​ទៅ​វិញ បើ​ខ្លួន​ល្ងង់ ក៏​ល្ងង់​ម្នាក់​ឯង​ទៅ​  ភាព​ស្រប​ច្បាប់​នៅកម្ពុជា គឺ​ត្រង់​វា​អស់​ហើយ​ត្រឹម​រាជក្រឹត្យ​ព្រះ​មហាក្សត្រ ។ នៅប្រទេស​ថៃ ក៏​អ៊ីចឹង​ដែរ​  លោកប្រាយុទ្ធ ចាន-អូចា គាត់​ទទួល​បាន​ព្រះ​រាជក្រឹត្យ​ពី​មហាក្សត្រ​ថៃ គាត់​អាច​ធ្វើ​ការងារ​បាន​នៅ​ឯទី​នេះ រឿង​បញ្ហា​ធំ​ជាង​គេ​សភា​ប្រជុំ​ ហើយបើ​សភា​ប្រជុំហើយ​មិន​ទាន់​មាន​រាជក្រឹត្យ​ព្រះ​មហាក្សត្រ ក៏​អត់​បាន​ដែរ... អាណឹង​វា​ចប់​ត្រឹម​ប៉ុណ្ណឹង ស្រប​ច្បាប់ ឬ​មិន​ស្រប​ច្បាប់​លោក​ឯង​គិត​មើល​ទៅ ។»

CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 4 July 2014, Phnom-Penh Post

“This two-thirds majority is an instrument for killing the whole Cambodian nation. How? If the selection of the NEC that requires the two-thirds majority fails, nothing will subsequently happen. Who can guarantee that the two thirds majority will succeed in setting up the NEC? No one. If a party president gives this guarantee to the people, they will contravene the Constitution because no one can tell members of parliament what to do.”

Chheang Vun, 4 July 2014, Radio France Internationale

“I would like to confirm that if no other new law comes to replace it [existing law], it means that everything will continue to go smoothly in accordance with the existing laws.”

CPP Prime Minister Hun Sen, 4 July 2014, The Phnom Penh Post

“If we [the CPP] are crooked like what they say, frankly, the CPP can benefit a great deal from this two thirds majority. This two thirds majority would give an absolute advantage to the CPP. After being in collusion with all that would result in a compromised position, the CPP could still vote it down [in the parliament], and the CNRP would fail.”

Chheang Vun, 4 July 2014, Radio France Internationale

«យុទ្ធសាស្រ្តរបស់រដ្ឋមន្រ្តីឃោសនាការ របបអ៊ីត្លែម្នាក់បាននិយាយថា បើយើងនិយាយបំភ្លើស និងភូតកុហកគេម្ដង គេនៅតែមិនជឿ យើងព្យាយាមនិយាយកុហកគេ និងបំភ្លៃគេ ១រយដងទៀត គេប្រាកដជាជឿយើងជាពុំខាន ។»

Bandit Sapheajar Sok An, 28 June 2014, Deum Ampil News

Thanks to Chheang Vun’s elaboration, it becomes reasonably clear why Hun Sen claims the two-thirds majority (TTM) for National Election Committee (NEC) would kill democracy as he knows it. Chheang Vun even tries to outdo his chief by claiming it would kill the whole nation.

Nevertheless, the democracy that would be killed may be the one that comes with Hun Sen’s highest legitimacy of all – the royal decree. This is the type Hun Sen says legitimises Thailand’s National Council for Peace and Order after its coup removing an elected government.

But why his TTM’s rejection is so absolute, especially when he holds all the aces?

Hun Sen has full control over the King, who invariably acts on his command. This is the King who is about to promulgate new judiciary laws that hold himself responsible for anything over which he has neither say nor control.

Hun Sen’s craftiness in running over, or going around, laws and Constitution for political expediency is legendary. The King Father describes Hun Sen’s 2004 package vote amendment as an act of raping the Constitution. Of late, it suits Hun Sen to pretend there are no legal provisions for a national congress, as if he is unaware that they are enshrined in Chapter 14 of the Constitution. Only ignoramuses would believe Chheang Vun that the CPP is law-abiding.

Hun Sen knows that any TTM deadlock will have no consequences on his democracy. The worst outcome in any deadlock is that he will still remain there with his guns and bullets; and the King would not dare kick him out with the royal decree.

Why then does Hun Sen refuse the TTM that could well be a public relations coup for him?

Chheang Vun claims the CPP takes a moral highground, and rejects the TTM because it gives his party a distinct political advantage over its rivals. For a party that uses every means at its disposal, including deadly violence, to put a lid on anything that moves, Chheang Vun is just kidding himself.

Beyond that, the reason is not clear. It is possible, nevertheless, that the current mess becomes an attack on nerves that has driven the Hun Sen flightiness. In the face of persistent and ever widening turmoils in industrial actions, land disputes, and borders encroachments, the strongman may need more than guns and bullets to diffuse the rising temperature among victims of his actions. Population unrests, despite violent crackdowns, in the last twelve months could turn any dictator into a bundle of nerves.

For now, however, the chief keeps on raming the killer TTM down his Indians’ throat. And his deputy Sok An – with a glorified title of academician – has a soothing message from a Hilter’s information minister: if the chief pounds hard enough, his Indians would swallow it.

Yet, Hitler failed. Likewise, the TTM demand, whether Hun Sen rejects it or not, may trigger a collapse of his democracy under a sheer weight of anguish of his victims who are longing for relief.

Ung Bun Ang

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