“We work for justice,” Buntenh said. “And we are not afraid.”
Monks protest in the heart of Phnom Penh. Sreng Meng Srun
The saffron revolution
Buddhist monks have been at the forefront of demonstrations
at Freedom Park in Phnom Penh this week. But activism by the clergy is
not a new phenomenon in Cambodia or across the region
In demonstrations at Freedom Park in central Phnom Penh this week,
Buddhist monks have been ever present. They have been at the forefront
of calls to remove the barbed-wire barriers and open the area again to
freedom of expression and opposition to the government.
Buddhist monks joined the anti-government demonstrations in Bangkok earlier this year before the military coup.
They have also taken a leading role in a number of protests in the past year, from supporting workers’ strikes for more pay in the garment and service sectors to backing residents and institutions displaced by land grabs.
“We don’t want the regime to control the people. We want the people
to control the regime,” said But Buntenh, founder of the Independent
Monk Network for Social Justice, a group at the forefront of
anti-government protests. “Whoever are the justice lovers, we will side
with them.”
Activism in saffron robes is not a new phenomenon. Monks were also at
the forefront of the nationalist and independence movements, their form
of non-violent protest demanding particular respect.
Nor is it solely a Cambodian phenomenon. Across the region,
especially in Myanmar and Thailand, Buddhist activists are taking on an
increasing breadth of issues, including ultra-nationalist and
pro-government ones. As the political landscapes become more diverse and
fractured, so too do their causes and positions.
The traditional role of providing moral counsel lends them a measure of credibility and some protection against reprisals.
But Buntenh, leader of the Independent Monk Network for Social Justice.
In Myanmar, U Wirathu, a monk who has referred to himself as the
“Buddhist Bin Laden”, is a focal point for anti-Muslim rhetoric and
rumours – via his Facebook page and in his speeches – some of which have
led to riots. He is a leader of a Buddhist nationalist movement called
969, and has been photographed receiving alms from leaders of the
majority Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).
Many analysts believe the uprisings could involve a measure of state
sanction, orchestrated distractions from democratic failures and a way
for the USDP to consolidate its hold before next year’s elections. When
they come around, Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD)
is expected to make gains.
Yet U Wirathu’s hyper-nationalist rhetoric is a far cry from that of
the thousands of maroon-robed activists in the uprisings of 1988 and
2007, who risked arrest and brutal reprisals for their anti-government
stance.
As political repression eased in Myanmar, the focus switched to
finding ethnic scapegoats for society’s ills, and a blurring of
distinctions among sangha, state and society.
In Thailand, monks participated in the 2005-2008 anti-government
protests by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD), the “yellow
shirts”, against former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Others, fewer
in number, supported the 2010 protests by the United Front for
Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD), the “red shirts”, who were opposed
to the government of Abhisit Vejjajiva, also featured monks in their
ranks.
Monks protest in the heart of Phnom Penh. Sreng Meng Srun
In the pre-coup protests by the People’s Democratic Reform Committee
(PDRC), one of the rally sites was commanded by Luang Pu Buddha Issara,
56, abbot of Wat Or Noi in Nakhon Pathom province.
Buddha Issara refused to answer to the protest movement’s hierarchy
and took law enforcement into his own hands. He was seen interrogating
undercover police that were dragged before him after being beaten by his
“guards” – probably paramilitary mercenaries.
Thailand’s National Office of Buddhism, which regulates the behaviour
of monks, is almost powerless to rein in such mavericks. But it
concluded that Buddha Issara had breached the discipline of the Sangha
Supreme Council for encouraging people to break the law and obstruct
voting booths.
Buddha Issara is also the subject of a complaint by the Buddhist
Association of Thailand, a non-government organisation (NGO), according
to the Bangkok Post.
“Monks can have personal feelings but political expression is banned
by sangha regulations,” said the association’s secretary Sathien
Wipornmaha. He said Buddha Issara’s involvement in anti-government
protests “destroys the image of Buddhism”.
Leader of the PDRC, Suthep Thaugsuban, in a surprise move entered the monkhood this week at Wat Thasai in Surat Thani.
Monks protest in the heart of Phnom Penh. Sreng Meng Srun
Since the military takeover, his political role has been marginalised
and he has been caught in a series of gaffes, such as his claim that
the coup had been in the works for a year. Ordaining may be a way for
him to regain some moral authority.
One monk with a good reputation among human rights activists is Phra
Paisal Visalo, a former student activist who now often speaks about
social justice.
In Cambodia, monk activists provide a necessary buffer on a number of
social justice issues such as workers’ rights and land claims.
When residents were forcibly evicted to make room for construction
developments at Boeung Kak and Boray Keila, monks were at the forefront
of resistance.
As NagaWorld casino expansions threaten to engulf the Buddhist
Institute, some of the few brave enough to resist the plans are openly
activist monks led by But Buntenh’s network.
Being monks gives them a measure of protection against reprisals that student activists and other laypeople might not have.
Monks in Myanmar take part in an anti-Islamic march.
“Most people believe in monks, even the prime minister and the king,”
said Buntenh, 37. “And if the police want to arrest us, according to
the rules, they have to get permission from the Supreme Patriarch. If
the Patriarch finds the monk guilty, he must disrobe first. Otherwise
they can’t arrest him.”
He admitted that the Cambodian government might not always respect
those rules. In January this year, three monks from his organisation
were badly beaten by police at a demonstration at the Phnom Penh Special
Economic Zone, one of who suffered permanent brain damage. “We are not
fighting against Hun Sen,” said Buntenh.
Monks present at the demonstrations this week rushed to stop attacks
against security forces and protected them from further injury. “We are
fighting against the regime because since 2013 this has been a huge
problem in the country. We will monitor any government and support
social justice. At the moment there is no justice,” said Buntenh.
One of their locations was raided by police this week, but they had
already moved to a different temple. A soundproofed and windowless room
at the top of an unmarked monastic building serves as their
headquarters. The two computers, printers and mobile phones were donated
by local NGOs, he said.
The Independent Monk Network for Social Justice, active since August
28 last year, is social media-savvy and expanding, with three new
chapters in Battambang.
The 20 or so core members are supplemented by dozens, at times
hundreds, of monks from around the country. They are difficult to locate
and impossible to intimidate.
In Cambodia, where the consequences of dissent can be severe, they
are often the only ones who can side with the poor and marginalised in
the face of political and corporate might.
“We work for justice,” Buntenh said. “And we are not afraid.”
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