The faithful couple
An unlikely rapprochement after a long stand-off
AFTER Hun Sen bet $5,000 on Manny Pacquiao defeating Floyd Mayweather
in boxing’s “fight of the century”, the Cambodian prime minister
refused to pay up, arguing that the Philippine hero did not deserve to
lose to Mr Mayweather on points. So far, so usual for Cambodia’s
strongman: boxing is just like an election, really, only less violent.
The opposition has long claimed that Mr Hun Sen’s ruling party stole the
last election, and there has been blood on the streets since.
So what to make of the unusual: the recent spectacle of Sam Rainsy,
the opposition leader, consorting with Mr Hun Sen, his nemesis who has
ruled Cambodia for 30 years and who drove Mr Sam Rainsy into exile for
the better part of a decade?
So far as Mr Sam Rainsy is concerned, there is now sweetness and
light. “I used to hate Hun Sen,” he says. “But then it came to my mind
that I should not hate anyone as a human. I should only hate and combat
any bad crimes that a person has committed.” Mr Hun Sen has had an
epiphany too: he and Mr Sam Rainsy “must stay together because, at the
very least, we have the same Cambodian blood.”
The rapprochement has displeased many in the CNRP. Detractors took to
social media, accusing Mr Sam Rainsy of being driven by ego and the
prospect of a cosier life as a puppet of Mr Hun Sen’s. An assistant to
Kem Sokha, the opposition’s vice-president, accused Mr Sam Rainsy of
having accepted a very large bribe. Mr Sam Rainsy denies it. He says it
was simply time to end “a culture of war, a culture of confrontation, a
culture of revenge”. Dialogue, he said, was needed.
A friend of Mr Sam Rainsy argues that this is a notable moment, when
Cambodia’s dictator has accepted that a winner-takes-all politics no
longer serves, and that power now needs to be negotiated—with prosperity
spread beyond a narrow, grasping elite. Yet previous detentes under Mr
Hun Sen have not ended well. Funcinpec, Cambodia’s royalist party,
entered a coalition with the CPP only to see its influence wane so
rapidly that it won no parliamentary seats at all in the 2013 elections.
Mr Sam Rainsy has proclaimed a “culture of dialogue” once before, when
he returned from exile in 2006—only to flee again four years later.
Sophal Ear at Occidental College in California compares Cambodian
politics to a game of cat-and-mouse “where only the mouse changes”.
But the cat still has to run for re-election, and the next one, which
Mr Hun Sen and Mr Sam Rainsy both say they will contest, already looms.
Mr Hun Sen is 62 years old, and has said that he intends to rule until
he is 74. Yet Cambodia’s young electorate is tired of decades of
corruption and thuggish rule. Even with all the resources at its
disposal, the CPP may not win the next election outright and deals may
need to be cut. Prince Norodom Ranariddh, who heads Funcinpec, also says
he plans to run but, given his party’s abysmal showing in 2013, he
offers the prime minister little. Mr Kem Sokha’s frequent and
unflinching criticisms of the prime minister render him an unlikely
partner. That leaves Mr Sam Rainsy as the most appealing choice.
Mr Sam Rainsy says he will not consider a coalition. He says that if
he wins, he will launch an investigatory committee, modelled on South
Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, into allegations of
corruption levelled at the CPP. It has prompted Mr Hun Sen to bare his
teeth, warning Mr Sam Rainsy that if he “does not let me live
comfortably…I have forces that can fight back, that will make him live
not comfortably either.” So much for a new culture of dialogue.
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