[In one sense, the aggression of China toward the disputing nations involved in the South China Sea can be likened to the aggression of Vietnam toward Cambodia, minus the international outcry.]
Aside from Russia, experts note that none of China's supporters are major maritime powers, while some question Beijing's tally. The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) argues that only eight countries have explicitly supported China's position, while Cambodia, Slovenia and Fiji have disavowed China's description of their views.
The list of countries backing Beijing's stance in the South China Sea just keeps growing. (File Photo) |
US 'Hypocrisy' And Chinese Cash Strengthen Beijing's Hand In South China Sea
/ The Washington Post | 20 June 2016
Beijing: The latest was Kenya. Before that: Lesotho, Vanuatu and Afghanistan.
The list of countries backing Beijing's stance in the South China Sea
just keeps growing - China's foreign ministry boasted this week that
nearly 60 had swung behind their country's rejection of international
arbitration in a case brought by the Philippines.
The numbers are questionable, while the idea of gaining the support of
distant, landlocked Niger in a dispute about the South China Sea could
seem faintly ludicrous.
Yet China's frantic efforts to rally support ahead of a ruling from an
international tribunal in The Hague may not be as meaningless as they
might seem. Cold, hard Chinese cash and what many see as American double
standards are undermining efforts to build a unified global response to
Beijing's land reclamation activities in the disputed waters and employ
international law to help resolve the issue.
The
lure of Chinese money is having an impact in the Philippines, where
President-elect Rodrigo Duterte has made wildly contradictory comments
on the issue but has suggested some openness to bilateral negotiations -
if China builds railways there.
A farcical display of disunity from the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations this week was another case in point. On Tuesday, China sensed a
mild rebuke when ASEAN appeared to issue a statement expressing "serious
concerns" over rising tensions in the South China Sea, urging restraint
in land reclamation and full respect for international law.
Within hours, the statement had been retracted for "urgent amendments." No revised statement ever emerged.
Beijing, experts said, was riled because the statement was issued at a
meeting held in China and at a sensitive time in the run-up to the
arbitration ruling, expected at any time in the next three months. It
was withdrawn after China lobbied close ally Laos, an official at the
talks told Bloomberg News.
Ian Storey, a senior fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
in Singapore, called it another "embarrassing" episode of ASEAN
disunity.
"China didn't create the disunity in ASEAN, but it does exploit the
divisions and uses its economic clout to try to get its way," Storey
said. "China didn't want ASEAN to in any way support the arbitration
process."
The Philippines took China to court in 2013 after the Chinese navy
seized control of Scarborough Shoal, set amid rich fishing grounds off
the main Philippine island of Luzon. Among other things, it wants the
court to rule on whether China's "nine-dash line" - under which it
claims most of the South China Sea - is consistent with international
law.
China vehemently rejects arbitration and says it will ignore the court's
rulings. It argues the Philippines had previously agreed to settle the
dispute bilaterally and that the court has no jurisdiction over issues
of territorial sovereignty.
Julian Ku, a professor of constitutional law at Hofstra University, says
Beijing has "a very weak" case. The court, he points out, has already
spent a year considering the question of jurisdiction and ruled that it
does have the authority to consider many of the issues raised by the
Philippines.
"While I have expressed strong criticism of the Philippines' use of
arbitration (and the U.S. role in supporting it) from a strategic
perspective, I don't have any such criticism of their legal arguments,"
Ku wrote in a blog post. "China's claim that it can legally ignore the
pending arbitral award is not only wrong, it is legally insupportable."
The weakness of China's legal case may explain the vehemence of some of
its propaganda. Officials portray China as the victim of a "vicious" and
deceptive legal case. They accuse the United States of militarizing the
region through President Barack Obama's strategic rebalance to Asia and
encouraging Asian nations to seek confrontation with China.
"The U.S. cannot tolerate others challenging its global hegemony,"
China's ambassador to ASEAN, Xu Bu, wrote in the Straits Times, calling
Washington "dictatorial and overbearing."
But legality is only part of the argument, since the court is not in a
position to enforce any rulings. In the end, the matter will be settled
militarily, in the chess game of global power relations or in some
notional court of global public opinion.
And this is where American double standards come in. Despite efforts
from the Bush and Obama administrations, the Senate has never ratified
the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
So when the United States, the European Union and Japan urge China to
respect a "rules-based" international system, the admonishments often
come across here as insincere.
Japan, experts point out, has ignored a 2014 ruling from the
International Court of Justice (ICJ) against its whaling operations, and
the United States ignored a 1986 ICJ ruling against the Reagan
administration's support for Contra rebels in Nicaragua.
"More importantly, because the United States has never ratified UNCLOS,
countries that have maritime disputes with it are unable to take it to
legal arbitration," said Storey, arguing that the issue has become "even
more glaringly apparent" in the run-up to the ruling.
Although the U.S. government says it follows UNCLOS as "customary
international law," its failure to submit itself formally to its
provisions rankles many nations - especially China.
"China is trying to emulate components of American exceptionalism that
place the U.S. above other nations and international law," said Yanmei
Xie, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group. "The U.S. not
ratifying UNCLOS just proves China's point."
Wang Dong, an associate professor in the School of International Studies
at Peking University, underlined China's frustration with American
"hypocrisy."
"Big powers rarely subject themselves to international law," he said. "That's the reality we have to face."
Aside from Russia, experts note that none of China's supporters are
major maritime powers, while some question Beijing's tally. The Center
for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) argues that only eight
countries have explicitly supported China's position, while Cambodia,
Slovenia and Fiji have disavowed China's description of their views.
"The 60-country claim is complete nonsense," said Gregory Poling, head
of the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative at CSIS. "The vast majority
have made very vague comments - in support of peaceful resolution or
that negotiations are the best way to deal with conflict - and China
takes that and says, 'See, they side with us in the arbitration.' "
Nevertheless, China's ability to get poorer countries on its side could
be important if the issue ever comes up at the United Nations.
"China can also portray this as the West against the Third World, of the
developed world bullying the developing world," Xie said. "The
narrative matters."
But however the arbitration panel rules - and however Manila reacts -
China won't be giving an inch on its territorial claims in the South
China Sea. A move to declare an Air Defense Identification Zone - under
which foreign planes would be asked to inform Chinese authorities before
entering airspace above the South China Sea - would be seen as
provocative and seems unlikely for now, but Beijing won't be letting up
in its drive to expand its military presence in the South China Sea,
experts say. That spells more tension with the United States.
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