Cambodia, assassination capital of Asia
Myanmar Times | 21 July 2016
There's
been another one. Again the victim was a prominent government critic,
shot in the head in broad daylight in the centre of Phnom Penh, the
Cambodian capital.
Mourners
gather around a car carrying the body of political analyst and frequent
government critic Kem Ley, who was shot dead in Phnom Penh, Cambodia,
on July 10. Photo: EPA
What is it with
that place? Over the past two decades, it has gained a reputation as one
of the most dangerous nations in the world to be an opposition
politician or a member of an independent watchdog body.
And as if
Phnom Penh becoming Assassination Central were not bad enough, what’s
worse is that those who commission these lethal eliminations rarely get
punished.
He took work and other assignments when they came his way, and in this case, he claimed that he had shot Kem Ley over an unrepaid US$3000 loan.
The
weapon he used was a sophisticated, Austrian-made Glock revolver,
which, as observers noted, was not the sort of gun one would expect a
rural migrant worker to possess.
As well, his wife and mother
said he had never had as much money as $3000, and certainly not to lend
to anyone – and most certainly not to Kem Ley who, as far as they were
aware, he did not know.
Soon Cambodia was buzzing with
speculation about the real motive for the murder, and it was naturally
assumed that it was related to Kem Ley’s role as a commentator and
fearless critic of the government.
His radio broadcasts were
especially popular with all sections of society and he recently informed
listeners across the country about a July 7 report into the wealth of
Prime Minister Hun Sen’s family.
In itself, it was no more shocking than allegations about the effusive wealth
of other former regional strongmen like Indonesia’s General Suharto,
Myanmar’s senior general Than Shwe and Ferdinand Marcos in the
Philippines. And in truth, all Cambodians with average eyesight have
long been able to witness the shameless ostentation displayed by the
lavish homes, vehicles, and accoutrements of Hun Sen and his entourage.
What
came as a bombshell, however, was the extent and magnitude of the
shareholdings in almost all the nation’s major companies by every member
of the first family.
The devastating report was produced by Global Witness, an international anti-corruption oversight body based in London, and it was aptly titled, “Hostile Takeover: The Corporate Empire of Cambodia’s Ruling Family”.
Based
on data from official government sources, the report revealed that Hun
Sen’s family has links to 114 domestic companies with a share capital of
over $200 million – and that this was just the “tip of the iceberg”.
Indeed,
senior businesspeople in Cambodia said they would tend to multiply the
figures for the alleged holdings of the family at least tenfold.
The
report concluded, “The family’s holdings span the majority of
Cambodia’s most lucrative business sectors as well those characterised
by high levels of corruption, human rights abuses and environmental
damage.”
So it was pretty damning, but the report ran to 58 pages
and its complexity made it a tough read even for professionals, let
alone Cambodia’s poorly educated rural masses.
That’s where Kem Ley came to the rescue, and in his calm, simply worded Khmer-language broadcasts, he cut through to the key points and made listeners aware of the incredible moral turpitude of their political rulers.
Of
course, in the process, he made himself a marked man; but that said, no
one knows for sure whether a member of the first family directly
ordered his elimination. What is known is that most Cambodians suspect
there is a connection between Kem Ley’s assassination and his steadfast
criticism of the nation’s political leaders.
Naturally, the prime
minister denied it. Said Hun Sen, “Who gains any benefit from this
incident, which happened at the same time as my government has been
talking about peace and safety for the people?”
He tacitly inferred
that Kem Ley’s murder could be viewed as benefitting his opponents,
since it reflected badly on his government. But few believe the
opposition was in any way responsible; instead, suspicion has fallen on
the ruling party.
It is nothing new, given that there have been
similar assassinations in the past, notably those of the fiery trade
unionist Chea Vichea in 2004 and the popular environmental activist Chut
Wutty in 2012.
The nation’s reputation – already tarnished by
such murders, and those of actress Pisith Pilika, the PM’s alleged
mistress, in 1999, as well as a grenade attack on a 1997 opposition
rally – has now been well and truly battered.
Furthermore, the
well-connected figures who commission these killings, as well as their
corrupt business partners, always seem to escape with impunity.
The
Global Witness report noted, “Due to a politicised judiciary which
remains firmly in the pocket of Hun Sen, his family members and the
companies to which they are linked have been able to operate without
fear of prosecution.”
It all reinforces a growing belief that
Singapore’s former PM Lee Kuan Yew was right when he said Cambodia
should never have been admitted to ASEAN because it lacks the shared
values of the founding members.
In fact, it drags the entire group down into the gutter.
No comments:
Post a Comment