Why Childhood Memories Disappear
The Atlantic | 6 July 2015
My first memory is of the day my
brother was born: November 14, 1991. I can remember my father driving my
grandparents and me over to the hospital in Highland Park, Illinois,
that night to see my newborn brother. I can remember being taken to my
mother’s hospital room, and going to gaze upon my only sibling in his
bedside cot. But mostly, I remember what was on the television. It was
the final two minutes of a Thomas the Tank Engine episode. I can even remember the precise story: “Percy Takes the Plunge,” which feels appropriate, given that I too was about to recklessly throw myself into the adventure of being a big brother.
In
sentimental moments, I’m tempted to say my brother’s birth is my first
memory because it was the first thing in my life worth remembering.
There could be a sliver of truth to that: Research into the formation
and retention of our earliest memories suggests that people’s memories
often begin with significant personal events, and the birth of a sibling
is a textbook example. But it was also good timing. Most people’s first
memories date to when they were about 3.5 years old, and that was my age, almost to the day, when my brother was born.
When I talk about my first memory, what I really mean is my first retained memory.
Carole Peterson, a professor of psychology at Memorial University
Newfoundland, studies children’s memories. Her research has found that
small children can recall events from when they were as young as 20
months old, but these memories typically fade by they time they’re
between 4 and 7 years old.
“People used to think that the reason
that we didn’t have early memories was because children didn’t have a
memory system or they were unable to remember things, but it turns out
that’s not the case,” Peterson said. “Children have a very good memory
system. But whether or not something hangs around long-term depends on
on several other factors.” Two of the most important factors, Peterson explained,
are whether the memory “has emotion infused in it,” and whether the
memory is coherent: Does the story our memory tells us actually hang
together and make sense when we recall it later?
But then, this event- or story-based
memory isn’t the only kind, although it’s the one people typically focus
on when discussing “first” memories. Indeed, when I asked the
developmental psychologist Steven Reznick about why childhood amnesia
exists, he disputed the very use of that term: “I would say right now
that is a rather archaic statement.” A professor at the University of
North Carolina-Chapel Hill, Reznick explained that shortly after birth,
infants can start forming impressions of faces and react when they see
those faces again; this is recognition memory. The ability to understand
words and learn language relies on working memory, which kicks in at around six months old.
More sophisticated forms of memory develop in the child’s second year,
as semantic memory allows children to retain understanding of concepts
and general knowledge about the world.
“When people were accusing
infants of having amnesia, what they were talking about is what we refer
to as episodic memory,” Reznick explained. Our ability to remember
events that happened to us relies on more complicated mental
infrastructure than other kinds of memory. Context is all-important. We
need to understand the concepts that give meaning to an event: For the
memory of my brother’s birth, I have to understand the meanings of
concepts like “hospital,” “brother,” “cot,” and even Thomas the Tank Engine.
More than that, for the memory to remain accessible, my younger self
had to remember those concepts in the same language-based way that my
adult self remembers information. I formed earlier memories using more
rudimentary, pre-verbal means, and that made those memories unreachable
as the acquisition of language reshaped how my mind works, as it does
for everyone.
My parents spoke little of Chester, both because it was
just somewhere they moved to after deciding to have children—their young
adulthood was spent in the more cosmopolitan Manchester—and because
they felt the immigrant’s drive to assimilate. After we moved to the
Northeast United States, my still very English-sounding father found a
new standard answer to the question of where he came from: “New Jersey.
Can’t you tell from my accent?”
To
see how well my first memory held up, I called my dad to verify the
details. I was worried I had invented the detail of my mom’s parents
being there, but he confirmed they had flown over from England for the
occasion. He said my brother was born in the early evening, not at
night, but considering the U.S. Naval Observatory says sunset in
Highland Park that day was at 4:31 p.m., we could both be right. He
confirmed my brother’s cot and the television, but he disputed one vital
detail, phrasing it with the wary precision of a former doctor: “I
won’t say with any confidence that Thomas the Tank Engine was
on the TV.” Still, we agreed that if there was anything about the day
that a 3-year-old would be more likely to remember than the father of a
newborn son, it would be that.
The randomness of that detail makes
me think it’s more plausible, if only because it would be such a
bizarre thing to add in years after the fact. False memories do exist,
but their construction appears to begin much later in life. A study by Peterson
presented young children with fictitious events to see if they could be
misled into remembering these non-existent events, yet the children
almost universally avoided the bait. As for why older children and
adults begin to fill in gaps in their memories with invented details,
she pointed out that memory is a fundamentally constructive activity: We
use it to build understanding of the world, and that sometimes requires
more complete narratives than our memories can recall by themselves.
And,
as people get older, it becomes easier to conflate actual memories with
other stimuli. Reznick told me of a distinct memory he has of riding in
a toy wagon and tractor with his sister. The problem is that he doesn’t
so much remember doing it as he remembers seeing himself do
it, and he discovered why when he came across an old photograph of him
and his sister riding in that very same wagon and tractor on the
sidewalk outside their childhood house. He had forgotten having seen the
photograph before but had remembered what it depicted, and the latter
over time became its own memory.
As he spoke, I thought of my only
memory that might predate my brother’s birth. There’s a vague image in
my head of my pint-sized self sitting between my parents on the plane
ride to America. My dad confirmed the scant details I could provide were
accurate, but the problem is one of vantage point. This isn’t a
first-person memory like my trip to Highland Park Hospital, but rather a
mental snapshot taken—or, more likely, constructed—of the three of us
from the perspective of the plane aisle. Besides, a crucial detail is
wrong: My “memory” forgets the fact that my mom would have been four
months pregnant at the time. My dad assured me she was already showing
by then, even if my mom would have strenuously denied that if asked.
Perhaps my memory was just being exceedingly polite.
But even as the stories people tell about themselves reshape their
memories, so too can memories—even the ones they’ve long forgotten—shape
them. In 2012, while visiting my now college-age brother during his
semester spent studying in London, I traveled to the west of England to
see my birthplace for the first time. The first time I could remember,
anyway. I had to change trains at the station in Crewe, a town that only
meant anything to me because it was mentioned on, yes, Thomas the Tank Engine, as a place where engines were constructed or rebuilt—not unlike memories, I suppose.
I was in Chester for less than a day, but there was something ineffably right about that little city. The feeling was elusive, yet unmistakable: I was home.
Was my brain simply attaching outsize importance to Chester because my adult self knew its significance, or could these feelings be triggered by genuine, pre-episodic memories? Reznick says
it could be the latter: “I think what could endure is what’s called
recognition memory.”
He explained that recognition memory is our
most pervasive system, and that associations with my hometown I formed
as an infant could well have endured more than 20 years later, however
vaguely.
When people in Chester asked me what I, a lone American,
was doing in their small English city, I responded, “Actually, I’m from
here.” It was the first time in my life that it felt entirely accurate
to say that, with no need for qualifications or caveats. I honestly
can’t remember if I ever followed that up with a mock-quizzical, “Can’t
you tell from my accent?”
But give me enough time, and I’m sure that
detail will be added to my memory. It’s just too perfect a story.
Alasdair Wilkins is a writer based in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. He has written for The A.V. Club and io9.
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