One victim of the legal assault on the opposition has been charismatic opposition leader Sam Rainsy
Cambodia keeps up the pressure on opposition in court
The Seattle Times | 8 September 2016
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (AP) — Cambodia’s government and its opposition
faced off in court and on the streets Friday as political tensions
around challenges to Prime Minister Hun Sen’s long-standing autocratic
rule show no signs of easing.
The latest flashpoint is a case in the Phnom Penh Municipal Court
against Kem Sokha, deputy leader of the Cambodia National Rescue Party,
who could be sentenced to six months in prison if found guilty of
ignoring a summons. Kem did not attend the session that started Friday
morning as riot police gathered in front of the court.
Nearly
1,000 opposition supporters had gathered in front of their party
headquarters, with riot police watching them from about 500 meters
(yards) away.
The
case is one of several hanging over leaders of the opposition in what
is generally seen as an effort to disrupt their organizing efforts ahead
of local elections next June. The next general election is not until
the middle of 2018, but holding power at the local level is an advantage
when the national polls are held.
Kem
appeared before his supporters and said he will continue his struggle
“as long as the Cambodian people have still not received their freedom
and their safety.”
He accused the government of using the court system to stop him from
speaking out and to prevent him from taking part in the elections.
A statement issued this week by the U.N. High Commissioner for Human
Rights expressed concern “about the escalating atmosphere of
intimidation of opposition politicians, their supporters, civil society,
and peaceful demonstrators in Cambodia.”
It noted “a host of legal charges” faced by Kem Sokha and 29 other opposition supporters.
It said 14 of them had been given heavy prison sentences despite
raise serious concerns about the fairness of the proceedings. “We urge
the authorities to adhere strictly to international fair trial standards
during the criminal proceedings.”
One victim of the legal assault on the opposition has been
charismatic opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who did not return from a trip
abroad last November when an old conviction for defamation was restored
and his parliamentary immunity was stripped by the government’s
legislative majority. It had been generally assumed that the conviction,
carrying a two-year prison sentence, had been lifted by a 2013 pardon
which allowed Sam Rainsy to return from a previous period of self-exile.
He also faces a stack of separate charges that could put him away for
17 years.
Activists and non-governmental organizations, which are generally
critical of the government, have come in for similar kinds of legal
pressures. Physical force has also been applied. Two opposition
lawmakers were beaten up by a pro-government mob last year, and the
murder of a prominent social critic, Kem Ley in July, allegedly by a man
to whom he owed money, is widely regarded with suspicion.
Kem Sokha has been holed up in his party’s headquarters for several
months to avoid arrest, protected by a crowd of supporters. Opposition
spokesman Yim Sovann said he will not appear at Friday’s trial because
the charges against him are politically motivated and the lifting of his
parliamentary immunity was illegal.
The opposition has called on its followers to turn out to protest. It
has strong support in the capital and street demonstrations have
traditionally been an effective form of push-back. But recent efforts to
take to the streets have been thwarted by a government show of force.
Hun Sen has been Cambodia’s leader for three decades. But in a
general election in 2013, it seemed his grip on power was shaken when
the Cambodia National Rescue Party mounted a strong challenge, winning
55 seats in the National Assembly and leaving Hun Sen’s Cambodian
People’s Party with 68. The opposition claimed they had been cheated,
and staged a boycott of parliament. Seeking to shore up his legitimacy,
Hun Sen reached a political truce with them in 2014, making some minor
concessions over electoral and parliamentary procedure.
But relations between the government and the
opposition deteriorated last year after the opposition tried to exploit a
volatile issue by accusing neighboring Vietnam, with which Hun Sen’s
government maintains good relations, of land encroachment. The move
proved politically popular, and the government reacted by stepping up
intimidation of the opposition party in the courts, which are seen as
being under its influence.
Hun Sen’s party was often accused of using violence or the threat of
violence against opponents, but in recent years has stalked its foes
mostly in the courts. The case against Kem Sokha, involving allegations
of illicit love affairs, is an elaborate one.
It began with recordings of intimate phone calls posted anonymously
on the internet, and has resulted in a series of charges and
countercharges that included an alleged paramour of Kem Sokha being
charged with prostitution.
The more the CPP hurt the CNRP, the less popularity the CPP will have.
ReplyDeleteThe more CPP hurts CNRP, the more CNRP cries.
DeleteJust like you are crying to your Mama after lying through your teeth asking for mercy , eh?
DeleteThe more Kem Sokha has sex with the young girls, the less popularity CNRP will have.
DeleteAh Kouk Hun Sen is the law and the law enforcer in Cambodia. The worst thing is that he is a Yuon's puppet.
ReplyDeleteThe evil Yuon had lost many soldiers during its invasion to conquer Cambodia in 1978.
While Khmer Pouch Neak Chambang wanted to liberate Cambodia from Yuon Vietnam without losing any people. Keep dreaming Khmer Pouch Neak Chambang, you will accomplish nothing without any ultimate sacrifice.
The key for Cambodia's survival is knowing WHEN to make their ultimate sacrifice.
Personally, I think the right time to sacrifice our life to save Cambodia is when the CNRP won the 2018 election and the CPP refused to relinquish the power.
First step first: stay united to win this next election. Then make a peaceful demonstration demanding the loser CPP to transfer the power.
If the CPP opts to suppress violently the demonstration and kills thousands of people, then the signatories of the 1991 Paris Peace Accord will have no choice but to intervene to help Khmer people one more time.
This time we will not screw thing up like we did in 1993 because AH Prett Sihanouk had already gone to hell.