Cambodia’s explanation for killing of activist draws doubt
AP / Washington Post | 23 December 2016
PHNOM PENH, Cambodia — Kem Ley, a poor rice farmer’s son turned
champion of Cambodia’s have-nots, was sipping his usual iced latte in
the same chair he had occupied most mornings for years. Eyewitnesses say
a former soldier walked into the Caltex gas station cafe, fired a
semi-automatic Glock pistol into his chest and head and casually walked
away.
Two weeks later, tens of thousands of mourners thronged
Phnom Penh’s streets to trail the glass casket bearing Kem Ley’s body in
the largest public rally Cambodia has witnessed in recent times. The
funeral march reflected not only grief for the popular government
critic, but also anger at a government that this year has decimated
opponents through imprisonment, intimidation and, many believe, the
still-unresolved killing of Kem Ley.
Many view the Southeast
Asian country’s harshest crackdown in years as an attempt by Prime
Minister Hun Sen to sustain his more than 30-year-long grip on power in
2018 elections. The opposition came unexpectedly close to winning the
last election, in 2013.
Cambodian authorities deny any
involvement in Kem Ley’s death in Phnom Penh, the capital. They arrested
ex-soldier and migrant worker Oeut Ang from a distant province on
allegations that he killed Kem Ley in July because the activist failed
to repay a $3,000 loan. Hun Sen has promised a “vigorous investigation.”
Phnom
Penh Municipal Court spokesman Ly Sophana told reporters the
investigation is still underway. He did not say when it will be
completed or the trial set.
“At the moment, the court
is making an investigation into the case and the government can’t
comment while it is in the hands of the court,” Information Minister
Khieu Kanharith said.
Interviews with Oeut Ang’s wife, Kem Lay’s
family and others raise doubts about the government’s assertions that a
loan was the motive, heightening suspicions that the killing may have
been politically motivated.
Hoeum Huot said she and her husband
“lived from hand to mouth” and that he could never have had $3,000 in
his pocket to lend. She said her husband, whose nickname Chuob Samlap
means “meet and kill,” was prone to drunkenness, out of a job and sold
his motorbike before the killing to pay off a gambling debt. She never
heard him mention Kem Ley.
Kem Ley’s mother, Pov Se, and sister Kem Thavy said the 45-year-old
doctor-turned-activist lived simply and never incurred debts, and had
never met Oeut Ang as far as they knew.
Shortly before his death,
Kem Ley spoke on radio about a report issued by the London-based
research and advocacy group Global Witness that alleged the prime
minister and his family had accumulated massive wealth and retained
power through corruption and brute force. Earlier he had crisscrossed
the country to query villagers about their problems.
Since Kem Ley’s death, his wife and five sons left in fear for Thailand, where they have applied for asylum in Australia.
“I have no idea why my brother was killed, but friends and neighbors
often told me that he should not talk about Hun Sen and his family,” Kem
Thavy said. “I argued with him: ‘You cannot hold up the earth all by
yourself.’”
Keo Remy, president of the government’s
Cambodian Human Rights Committee, refused to be interviewed or answer
written questions about Kem Ley and human rights.
Activists say the killing has come to symbolize the manifold ills of Cambodian society under Hun Sen’s 31-year rule.
“The death of Kem Ley is the death of human rights in Cambodia. It is
the silencing of civil society actors. They are now mute,” said But
Buntenh, a prominent Buddhist monk and friend of Kem Ley’s who is among
the few public figures still openly criticizing the regime. But he said
the incident has also backfired on Hun Sen and his Cambodia People’s
Party, having sparked a strong, albeit incohesive, pro-democracy surge
among large segments of the population.
Meanwhile, Kem Ley has been elevated to a legendary status, perhaps greater than his actual accomplishments.
“With his death we have gained a great deal,” said But Buntenh. “It has been five months but people are still weeping.”
Mourners
come to his simple grave every day, including more than 100 who paid
their respects on the November day his family was interviewed in Kem
Ley’s native village of Ang Takok, southwest of Phnom Penh.
“He was crucial to us because of the issues that he tackled. He was a great model for Cambodian people,” said mourner Chan Sy.
Kem Thavy, often wiping away tears, described her brother as gentle but independent and unwilling to compromise his ideals.
“He told me that if someone offered him 1 or 2 million dollars he would
not sell out, that if someone offered him a job with a big salary in
order to stop talking about Cambodia he would not take it,” she said.
Kem
Ley dropped his medical practice to improve life for Cambodians, But
Buntenh said. “As a doctor he could only cure one patient at a time, so
he became a national doctor to treat Cambodia’s many ‘diseases’ and help
thousands,” he said.
While denying any role in Kem Ley’s death,
the government has taken steps to silence other critics. Over past year,
opposition lawmakers and staffers of nongovernmental organizations have
been jailed. Others face charges.
Hun Sen lodged a defamation
suit in August against his chief political rival, the self-exiled Sam
Rainsy, for saying “state terrorism” was to blame for the deaths of Kem
Ley and other critics, including a prominent labor leader and several
environmental activists. Hun Sen said the government had nothing to gain
by killing Kem Ley: “Who gains to benefit from such a case which
happened at the same time the government is talking about peace and
safety for the people?”
The regime has even lashed out against
the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Cambodia,
describing it last month as “not legitimate” and threatening to shut
down its operations unless it agrees not to interfere in the country’s
internal affairs.
Ou Virak, who heads the Phnom Penh think tank Future Forum, said the regime’s actions are a prelude to the 2018 elections.
The
close 2013 election was “a huge wake-up call for Hun Sen and a huge
blow to his ego,” he said. “His party knows that time is not on their
side.”
Kem Ley apparently knew he had become a target. Three days
before he was killed, he told But Buntenh that trusted sources informed
him he would be killed in Phnom Penh.
The day before he died, Kem Ley posted on his Facebook page a
political fable he titled “The Garden of Savage Animals,” about tigers,
cobras and other ferocious beasts trying to prevent meeker animals from
entering their bountiful acreage.
Their answer: intimidation. “You kill one in order to scare a thousand.”
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