This Century Is Broken
New York Times | 21 February 2017
David Brooks |
Most
of us came of age in the last half of the 20th century and had our
perceptions of “normal” formed in that era. It was, all things
considered, an unusually happy period. No world wars, no Great
Depressions, fewer civil wars, fewer plagues.
It’s
looking like we’re not going to get to enjoy one of those times again.
The 21st century is looking much nastier and bumpier: rising ethnic
nationalism, falling faith in democracy, a dissolving world order.
At the bottom of all this, perhaps, is declining economic growth. As Nicholas Eberstadt points out in his powerful essay “Our Miserable 21st Century,”
in the current issue of Commentary, between 1948 and 2000 the U.S.
economy grew at a per-capita rate of about 2.3 percent a year.
But
then around 2000, something shifted. In this century, per-capita growth
has been less than 1 percent a year on average, and even since 2009
it’s been only 1.1 percent a year. If the U.S. had been able to maintain
postwar 20th-century growth rates into this century, U.S. per-capita
G.D.P. would be over 20 percent higher than it is today.
Slow
growth strains everything else — meaning less opportunity, less
optimism and more of the sort of zero-sum, grab-what-you-can thinking
that Donald Trump specializes in. The slowdown has devastated American
workers. Between 1985 and 2000, the total hours of paid work in America
increased by 35 percent. Over the next 15 years, they increased by only 4
percent.
For
every one American man aged 25 to 55 looking for work, there are three
who have dropped out of the labor force. If Americans were working at
the same rates they were when this century started, over 10 million more
people would have jobs. As Eberstadt puts it, “The plain fact is that
21st-century America has witnessed a dreadful collapse of work.”
That
means there’s an army of Americans semi-attached to their communities,
who struggle to contribute, to realize their capacities and find their
dignity. According to Bureau of Labor Statistics time-use studies, these
labor force dropouts spend on average 2,000 hours a year watching some
screen. That’s about the number of hours that usually go to a full-time
job.
Fifty-seven
percent of white males who have dropped out get by on some form of
government disability check. About half of the men who have dropped out
take pain medication on a daily basis. A survey in Ohio found that over
one three-month period, 11 percent of Ohioans were prescribed opiates.
One in eight American men now has a felony conviction on his record.
This
is no way for our fellow citizens to live. The Eberstadt piece confirms
one thought: The central task for many of us now is not to resist
Donald Trump. He’ll seal his own fate. It’s to figure out how to replace
him — how to respond to the slow growth and social disaffection that
gave rise to him with some radically different policy mix.
The
hard part is that America has to become more dynamic and more
protective — both at the same time. In the past, American reformers
could at least count on the fact that they were working with a dynamic
society that was always generating the energy required to solve the
nation’s woes. But as Tyler Cowen demonstrates in his compelling new
book, “The Complacent Class,” contemporary Americans have lost their mojo.
Cowen
shows that in sphere after sphere, Americans have become less
adventurous and more static. For example, Americans used to move a lot
to seize opportunities and transform their lives. But the rate of
Americans who are migrating across state lines has plummeted by 51
percent from the levels of the 1950s and 1960s.
Americans
used to be entrepreneurial, but there has been a decline in start-ups
as a share of all business activity over the last generation.
Millennials may be the least entrepreneurial generation in American
history. The share of Americans under 30 who own a business has fallen
65 percent since the 1980s.
Americans
tell themselves the old job-for-life model is over. But in fact
Americans are switching jobs less than a generation ago, not more. The
job reallocation rate — which measures employment turnover — is down by
more than a quarter since 1990.
There
are signs that America is less innovative. Accounting for population
growth, Americans create 25 percent fewer major international patents
than in 1999. There’s even less hunger to hit the open road. In 1983, 69
percent of 17-year-olds had driver’s licenses. Now only half of
Americans get a license by age 18.
In
different ways Eberstadt and Cowen are describing a country that is
decelerating, detaching, losing hope, getting sadder. Economic slowdown,
social disaffection and risk aversion reinforce one another.
Of
course nothing is foreordained. But where is the social movement that
is thinking about the fundamentals of this century’s bad start and
envisions an alternate path? Who has a compelling plan to boost economic
growth? If Trump is not the answer, what is?
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