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Pseng-Pseng

17xi19

How CNRP Rift Benefits Hun Sen

“បទពិសោធន៍នៃការរួបរួមគ្នា អ្នកប្រជាធិបតេយ្យត្រូវរួបរួមគ្នាដាច់ខាត ដើម្បីឈ្នះ ចាំបាច់ត្រូវរួបរួមគ្នា។ ហើយបើមិនរួបរួមគ្នា អត់ងាយឈ្នះទេ។​ ហើយបើឈ្នះហើយ បែកបាក់ការរួបរួមគ្នា ចាញ់ទៅវិញ។ ហ្នឹងហើយបទពិសោធន៍ គេ(ដំណាងរាស្ត្រម៉ាឡេស៊ី) ក៏ឯកភាព យើងក៏​​​ឯកភាពអញ្ចឹង។​”

ប្រធានស្តីទីគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ សមរង្ស៊ី ​ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី ​​ ១២​វិច្ឆិកា ២០១៩

“ខ្ញុំមិនបានទាក់ទងលោកកឹមសុខាទេ មិនមានលទ្ធភាព។”

ប្រធានស្តីទីគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ សមរង្ស៊ី ​ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី ​​ ១២​វិច្ឆិកា ២០១៩

“ខ្ញុំអត់ចង់ឆ្លើយតបទេ​ អ្នកណាទិតៀនសមរង្ស៊ី ទិតៀនអ្នកដែលស្មោះត្រង់នឹងសមរង្ស៊ី

ទិតៀនចុះ គ្រាន់តែខ្ញុំសូមរំឮកថា យើងកុំលេងល្បែងហ៊ុនសែន។ ល្បែងហ៊ុនសែនចង់ឲ្យ

យើងវាយមក ចង់ឲ្យយើងឈ្លោះគ្នា កុំលេងល្បែងហ៊ុនសែនឲ្យសោះ បើយើងចង់ឈ្នះជនផ្តាច់ការហ៊ុនសែន។​ យើងត្រូវតែរួបរួមគ្នា ពីព្រោះគោលដៅយើងតែមួយ គឺផ្ដួលរបបហ៊ុនសែន… ។”

ប្រធានស្តីទីគណបក្សសង្រ្គោះជាតិ សមរង្ស៊ី ​ វិទ្យុអាស៊ីសេរី ​​ ១២​វិច្ឆិកា ២០១៩

Sam Rainsy claims after his meeting with some Malaysian parliamentarians that one major experience he learns from his hosts is that all democrats “must” unite to win. He says it is very difficult to win with disunity. How true.

In practice, nevertheless, Sam Rainsy seems struggling with how the unity works. While insisting he and Kem Sokha be one, he makes little or no effort to heal an obvious widening CNRP internal rift. He claims, without elaborating why, it is not possible for him to communicate with Kem Sokha after the latter’s recent conditional release from house arrest. Neither has Kem Sokha contacted him. Given modern communication facilities, the disconnection means the rift is widened to the extent that their liaison is no longer a priority.

A simple phone call between the two could do wonder for the CNRP unity. Kem Sokha may be persuaded to declare his support for a Sam Rainsy return including the 9/11. He could be thrown back in house arrest for breaking a court order not to be political, but it would be a massive boast to the morale of all CNRP supporters. Anyhow, that crucial phone call is not possible.

The CNRP rift has surfaced since Hun Sen dissolved the party. A CNR Movement is then founded to take over CNRP roles with Sam Rainsy in charge. He abandons it soon after and becomes acting president of a resuscitated CNRP. This re-arrangement of chairs on Titanic deck splits the CNRP right in the middle between Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha factions. All along, Sam Rainsy pledges to reach out to dissidents, but he fails.

Sam Rainsy refuses to address criticisms that are laid before him. Perhaps, he cannot resolve them; or, he may dismiss them as irrelevant. He may not realise a burning cigarette butt can often lead to bushfires. However, he reminds all not to play a game Hun Sen sets up to break up the opposition. Yet, he forgets he has already been deep in the game by trivialising the criticisms.

Kem Sokha may now grow sick and tired of the rift and consider another opposition party. He can expect plenty of support from the West to go solo. Within three days after his release, ambassadors from eight significant Western and Asian democracies rush to pay him a home visit. They must be impressed with his tenacious and audacious decision to suffer in jail, rather than fleeing the country. Meanwhile, Sam Rainsy has been knocking at doors searching for friends and sympathy, which he says is successful. Contrary to his claims, however, there are no Western dignitaries accompanying him in his 9/11 trip. They may suspect it is just another hot air.

Hun Sen will smile on any Kem Sokha move that isolates Sam Rainsy. With his recent decision to grant amnesty to those he refers as duped 9/11 participants, the West may choose to maintain all trade concessions. Then, even lemon juice will not wipe the smile off Hun Sen’s face.

Ung Bun Ang

17xi19

Funny News You Can Use

So, when ambassadors of Western democracies request all charges against Kem Sokha be dropped, it is an act of interference in the Cambodian justice system, according to Ministry of Justice spokesman Chin Malin; he reminds them they also act against the international law. How pretentious.

Nevertheless, when Hun Sen declares an amnesty for those who have participated in the fizzled Sam Rainsy 9/11 return, Chin Malin makes it clear that is not an order from the master, but just a request. And best of all, this request, according to him, does not interfere in the judiciary system. He just parrots a Hun Sen standard line that the court is independent, taking instructions from nobody.

It is indeed a request that – to reflect on Godfather Don Vito Corleone’s words and sentiment – Chin Malin et al cannot refuse. They will bend over backward to ensure Hun Sen’s request is their command. In this instance, Kampot provincial court releases two CNRP activists from jail within hours after Hun Sen’s request specifies the two. He says a prompt release will show how effective his words are. What can Chin Malin et al say besides executing the request pronto.

As Hun Sen points out, his legal system allows the Ministry of Justice to control prosecutors of the court and he, as the prime minister, has a control over the Ministry of Justice. It is a kind of a crooked democracy by law, which lumps the three branches of government system into one man for expediency.

Those ambassadors must be shaking their head in private and wondering if they will ever quit this charade nonsense.

« [ប្រព័ន្ធតុលាការកម្ពុជាអនុញ្ញាតឱ្យនីតិប្រតិបត្តិក្តាប់នយោបាយព្រហ្មទណ្ឌ តាមរយៈដាក់ព្រះរាជអាជ្ញាឱ្យនៅក្រោមការពិនិត្យមើលរបស់ក្រសួងយុត្តិធម៌] អ៊ីចឹងក្រសួងយុត្តិធម៌ វាជានរណា? ក្រសួងយុត្តិធម៌ វាជាក្រសួងមួយចំណុះ ឱ្យ រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល ។ ដូច្នេះ រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី មានសិទ្ធិនឹងនិយាយ ។»

នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន ថ្ងៃទី ១៥ វិច្ឆិកាឆ្នាំ២០១៩ ភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍

By the Way

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UBA

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