The Private Letters of a Foreign Correspondent: Communicating With the Khmer Rouge; CIA Spy Accusations; Nomination for a Pulitzer Prize
21 Jan. 2014Select Private Correspondence from the Files of a Foreign Correspondent:
By Nate Thayer
I have been doing some tinkering and final revisions and editing of my upcoming book Sympathy for the Devil: A Journalist’s memoir from Inside Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge
and have been distracted as I sort out old papers, correspondence, raw
notes, and files, many which have jogged both pleasant and unpleasant
memories. They include letters ranging from my suspension for being
accused of being a CIA operative, to letters to guerrilla commanders
thanking them for assisting me after I was wounded in battle, to secret
correspondence from and to the Khmer Rouge in the jungles, to letters
nominating me for a Pulitzer Prize.
Below are a few selections of such correspondence. But first a pitch
for funding to bring to fruition my campaign to publish my book and
related accompanying data and documents and videos of interviews with
the Khmer Rouge leaders and and observations of the Khmer Rouge and
modern Cambodian political history.
Photo: Pol Pot, lying down, dead. Nate Thayer, standing, alive. It is unclear who looks like more of a threat to society…
Two weeks ago, I posted a video clip as a preview to the impending
launch of a Kickstarter campaign to help fund the publication of my book “Sympathy for the Devil: A Journalists Memoir from Inside Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge” and
associated other historical material. That Kickstarter campaign will
officially be launched by the end of January, 2014. It has encountered
several, routine delays, including being denied permission to use the
soundtrack of the Rolling Stones song of the same title–Sympathy for the
Devil–which was the soundtrack accompanying the video of the
Kickstarter campaign.
All fair enough, save it requires the remixing and editing of the
video. That, and a few other normal bureaucratic glitches, has meant the
launching of the Kickstarter project will take a few extra days,
commencing by the end of January.
But Kickstarter is only one way to support this project, and the
project, which is requiring most of my full-time effort now, will be at
full speed once sufficient funding is raised to underwrite the
substantial costs. There are several ways to participate in supporting
this project.
All support, no matter how small or large, is both needed and welcome with gratitude.
The costs for a high quality production of this project are
substantial. The details of what it will cost, and the specific funding
targeting each aspect of the larger project, to bring these projects to
fruition will be laid out in the Kickstarter campaign.
Any thoughts, criticisms, or comments are welcome here, or by email
at thayernate0007@gmail.com, or through my blog site at
natethayer.wordpress.com.
Meticulous records will be kept for all donations, and a strict
budget of specifically calculated and targeted expenditures will be
maintained and available upon request to anyone who asks for it:
I will officially be launching a Kickstarter campaign within 10 days
to raise the necessary funds for the publication of my now completed
manuscript Sympathy for the Devil: A Journalist’s Memoir from Inside
Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge, as well compiling and making available for the
historical public record hundreds of hours of related, un-redacted
archive videos, interviews, transcripts of the former, and extensive
internal Khmer Rouge secret documents I have compiled over decades of
chronicling Pol Pot, his Khmer Rouge, and contemporary Cambodian
Political history.
Along with the hardcover book, with extensive photographs and
documents–which is now more than 800 pages and will require a lengthy
professional edit to pare it down to approximately 400 page, there will
be an E book. Another more academically oriented book may also be a
result of the efforts, with the objective of the main book being a
serious history of modern Cambodian politics that is told in an
accessible first person memoir to maximize its accessibility to a
popular general audience. It is comprised entirely of first person
original research from my years of reporting from and on Cambodia, with a
special focus on Pol Pot and his Khmer Rouge. The project will also
include hours of raw video and audio interviews of Pol Pot and the
entire senior Khmer Rouge leadership who remained alive after they
retreated to the jungles in 1979 after their three years in power,
including Nuon Chea, Ta Mok, Khieu Samphan, Chief executioner Duch, and
others.
Transcripts of these audio and video interviews will also be made
available in their entirety. Summarized video presentations and written
synopsis’ and analysis articles written by me will be included, but the
raw data will also be available so anyone interested can form their own
conclusions, if they choose, based on the raw data.
Accomplishing this project will be expensive, and its realization and success depends on your support.
Direct donations of financial support, however small or large, to enable this history to be told and made available, is crucial.
It simply cannot succeed without considerable support, through direct
funding. I have no institutional support from any organization and its
success will depend on individuals.
Also crucial to the success of this effort is sharing over social
media and through other means, including to organizations or individuals
whose interest, organizational objective, or whose philanthropic
abilities allow support for this project.
It will be a partnership between those who find the objective worthy
of support and myself and the team of skilled professionals necessary to
bring the project to fruition. The sharing of this project, and how to
support it, and information of the objectives and final product with
your friends and colleagues and others who might be interested or able
to contribute support if they deem the project worthy, is vital to its
eventual success.
In order for this to be accomplished, the project needs to secure the
expertise of several professionals with specific skills, who,
rightfully, need to be paid for their work. They include book manuscript
editors, graphic artists, IT specialists, computer programmers,
publishers, layout specialists, and various people with related
technical skills for ensuring excellence in quality, organized
accessibility, and quality presentation of the final product.
Aside from the impending Kickstarter launch, there are other ways to
support the project immediately. This is crucial and much appreciated
and will immediately be put to use to allow us to proceed efficiently,
immediately, and without interruption from absence of funds. For those
inclined or willing to support the project, in addition to, separate
from, or prior to the official Kickstarter launch, it is both needed and
appreciated.
We have begun focusing on the project full time, but do not have
adequate funds to engage the professional expertise and resources
necessary to move forward at this time .
At the end of this Blog post, are several ways to make your contributions and show support for this project.
Here are random select documents of correspondence related to
the search to understand and access the Khmer Rouge in their final
years:
In the summer of 1992, I was accused–by persons unknown to this
day–of being a paid operative of the Central Intelligence Agency. These
charges were made to the then Associated Press Foreign Editor, Tom Kent,
who, without a shred of evidence suspended me from my job as the AP
Bureau Chief for Cambodia until an investigation was launched and
completed, which of course proved the allegations to be spurious and
unfounded.
I had been with AP since 1989 covering the war in Cambodia based from
the Thai border and their myriad of guerrilla and refugee camps. I made
41 trips into the guerrilla controlled zones between 1989 and 1991,
lasting from a day to two months in the jungle covering firefights, war,
and its related deprivation and human suffering. I was paid a salary of
$400.00 a month. After the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements in
October 1991, I was sent to Phnom Penh to be the Bureau Chief for AP in
Cambodia, reopening the AP office 17 years after it was shuttered when
the Khmer Rouge seized power in April 1975. My salary was raised to
$800.00 per month–no expenses included, which meant I had to pay for my
own accommodations, food, and communication to file stories, which I did
through Bangkok, which were then sent to the AP Asia desk in Tokyo, and
then on to the AP world desk in New York. I was hired by the AP
legendary correspondent Dennis Gray, the Bangkok Bureau Chief and long
time correspondent in Vietnam and Cambodia. He joined the AP after a
stint as an army intelligence officer in Vietnam. He was, and remains, a
man of great integrity, news sense, skill, and most importantly, an
impeccably decent man and fair minded man.
In the summer of 1992, Tom Kent embarked on a whirlwind tour of the
Foreign Bureaus of the AP to get a sense of what was happening inside
the worlds biggest news organization of which he presided. I had never
met the man. I do remember when, in October 1989, while on assignment
for the AP, I was seriously injured by landmines while covering the war
in Cambodia, killing or wounding everyone I was with. The only message I
got from the New York HQ was not from Tom Kent, but from the AP lawyer,
making it clear I was not a staff correspondent and while they felt
terrible about the numerous broken bones, shrapnel injuries and brain
damage I suffered, they were not responsible for any of my medical bills
or other ramifications of the incident. Tom Kent did, however, play the
story of “their” AP correspondent being wounded while getting what was
at the time a minor world scoop after the Cambodian guerrillas captured
their first district capitol in the 12 year old war, as a major top
world story on the AP wire, and it was widely published globally.
Dennis Gray, the Bangkok Bureau chief, was considerably more
professional and sympathetic, though a miser when it came to
compensating his correspondents under the charge of his Bangkok
Bureau’s. He was and remains a foreign correspondent’s correspondent.
There is also no greater honour than having one’s work recognized for
its quality than by one’s colleagues. Below are selected correspondence
that remain deeply appreciated by me from some of them.
Letter from AP Bangkok Bureau Chief Dennis Gray to General
Dien Del, the Commander in Chief of the Khmer People’s National
Liberation Front
October 20, 1989
Gen. Dien Del
Commander-in-Chief
Khmer People’s National Liberation Front
Dear General Dien Del:
I wish to thank you and your fellow KPNLF officers and soldiers
for the help you gave our reporter Nate Thayer, both in allowing him to
report from Cambodia and in taking care of him after he was wounded.
We would also like to express our sympathies for the soldiers who died and were wounded along with Nate.
Nate tells us he received excellent treatment at the KPNLF field
hospital and that you were kind enough to call on him personally in
Aranyaprathet.
Please accept our regards and thanks,
Dennis Gray
Bangkok Chief of Bureau
Associated Press
Letter from AP Bangkok Chief of Bureau Dennis Gray to Tom Kent, Foreign Editor of the AP, New York August 1992:
To: Tom Kent
From: Dennis Gray
Subject: Thayer
Dear Tom,
Since Thayer’s abilities, etc. came up several times during your visit, I thought I should add a postscript:
From Tokyo and Seoul have come kudos for his performance in North
Koreaa, which was totally foreign ground to him, and he won very high
praise from very-hard-to-please (Peter) Eng for coverage of the recent
Bangkok demos (In which the Thai army killed hundreds of peaceful
demonstrators protesting a coup d’etat during days of violent street
fighting). So I am very pleased with our team here now—if we could only
settle the Indochina matter.
A last thing on Thayer, which aroused my fury again today due to a
lunch conversation I had with a Time magazine colleague from Hong Kong
who said Thayer is being branded a “CIA type” by someone on the Far
Eastern Economic Review. As you know, this type of thing can be very
damaging to both individuals and companies. There is not one shred of
evidence that Nate is working for anybody bt the AP and the occasional,
legit media strings he has, or is an advocate of any one side in
Cambodia or elsewhere. Should anybody in D.C.– or here–say otherwise, I
suggest we threaten them with assassination–or at least a kick in you
know where. Agreed?
All Best,
Dennis.
************************************************************************************************************
Classified letter from The U.S. Ambassador to Cambodia
Charles Twining to the Cambodian Interior Ministers on threats to press
freedom and journalists, after several journalists were assassinated,
and plots to assassinate me were intercepted by U.S. intelligence, June
1994:
Department of State
Fm: AMEMBASSY PHNOM PENH
To: SECSTATE
SUBJECT: LETTER REGARDING PRESS FREEDOM
1. DUE TO SOME FEARS IN RECENT WEEKS THAT GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS’
COMMITMENT TO A FREE PRESS MAY BE WAVERING, THE AMBASSADOR WROTE
INTERIOR MINISTERS SAR KHENG AND YOU HOKRY, AS WELL AS INFORMATION
MINISTER IENG MOULY, JUNE 20, TO REINFORCE THE NEED FOR CONTINUED
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN CAMBODIA.
2. TEXT OF LETTER AS FOLLOWS.
BEGIN TEXT.
I AM WRITING TO EXPRESS CONCERN OVER THE PERCEPTION THAT THE PRESS
INSIDE THE COUNTRY–BOTH CAMBODIAN AND FOREIGN–FEEL THREATENED. I AM NOT
IN A POSITION TO KNOW WHETHER THIS FEAR IS WARRANTED OR NOT, BUT IT IS
REAL.
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IS OF COURSE GUARANTEED BY ARTICLE 41 IN THE
CONSTITUTION. IT IS ALSO ONE OF THE BASIC HUMAN RIGHTS RECOGNIZED
INTERNATIONALLY.IT HAS BEEN A CORNERSTONE OF POLITICAL FREEDOM IN THE
UNITED STATES FOR OVER 200 YEARS.
AS WE PERCEIVE ANXIETY ON THE PART OF THE CAMBODIAN PRESS THAT ITS
RIGHTS MAY BE IN DANGER, I AM ALSO CONCERNED ABOUT THE RIGHTS AND
WELFARE OF THE INTERNATIONAL PRESS OPERATING HERE. THIS IS PARTICULARLY
WITH REGARD TO THE AMERICAN JOURNALISTS ASSIGNED HERE, SUCH AS STAFF
MEMBERS OF THE PHNOM PENH POST, AND REPORTER NATE THAYER. WHILE WE MAY
SOMETIMES DISAGREE WITH THE VIEWS OF ONE WRITER OR ANOTHER–HONEST MEN
WILL DISAGREE ABOUT SOME THINGS–I WILL ALWAYS DEFEND THEIR RIGHT TO
PRESENT THEIR VIEWS, EVEN ABOUT ME OR MY STAFF. I ALSO COUNT ON THE
ROYAL GOVERNMENT TO ENSURE THE SECURITY OF THESE PERSONNEL.
I AM CERTAIN, FOR EXAMPLE, THAT THE PHNOM PENH POST AND MR. NATE
THAYER WOULD BE PREPARED TO CONSIDER MOST SERIOUSLY PUBLISHING VIEWS
WHICH THE GOVERNMENT MAY WISH TO PRESENT. I KNOW THAT I CAN COUNT ON
YOUR EXCELLENCIES TO CONTINUE TO SUPPORT THIS FREEDOM FOR ALL
JOURNALISTS INSIDE THE COUNTRY.
END TEXT
TWINING
Letter to Khmer Rouge President Khieu Samphan from me July
29, 1996 after having been summoned across the planet to their jungles
to be lectured by a mid level Khmer Rouge official who wanted their
message delivered to the United States Government:
HE Khieu Samphan
President
Party of Democratic Kampuchea
Dear President Khieu Samphan:
Please allow me to express my appreciation for the recent
invitation to meet your representative HE Mak Ben in the liberated zones
of Cambodia under the administration of Democratic Kampuchea.
As always, I am very interested in hearing in detail and in
person, the DK analysis of Cambodian politics. And, as always, I am
committed to reporting accurately and without bias on Cambodian affairs.
As you know, this commitment has contributed to me being expelled from
Phnom Penh by the current authorities who are unhappy with my reporting
on important issues that concern the nation and the people.
However, I am disturbed by perhaps a misunderstanding on the part
of Democratic Kampuchea on what my job is and who I work for. Let me be
very and unequivocally clear: I am an independent journalist. I do not
nor have I ever worked for the United States Government or any other
government. I am not an agent of the CIA nor am I an agent of any arm of
any government.
I was clearly under the impression from my meeting with Mak Ben
that Democratic Kampuchea believes me to be an agent of the United
States government and that you had requested to see me in order to relay
a message to the American authorities.
If you were to ask me–which you did not–specifically to send a
message to US authorities, I would be happy to do so. I have very good
contacts, as you know, with key people involved in Cambodian affairs in a
number of governments, including the United States. If I can contribute
to a better understanding between the DK and any other government, that
is good for Cambodia and I am happy to do my part to help Cambodia.
But it is not my job.
Frankly, to spend the equivalent of two months salary on flying
around the world to meet Mak Ben for three hours for the sole purpose of
relaying a message to the United States government is, mostly, a waste
of my time. It seemed that none of the issues that I had asked to talk
about during my previous trip to the liberated zones in May were taken
into consideration.
I was treated with a lack of respect for my professional duties as a journalist and historian.
I am a journalist working for the Far Eastern Economic Review.
Because of difficulties with the Phnom Penh authorities, I am no longer
able to effectively report from Phnom Penh. While I remain the Cambodia
correspondent for the Review and will continue to write on Cambodian
affairs for them, I am now based in Washington as a visiting scholar of
Johns Hopkins University, School of Advanced International Studies,
Foreign Policy Institute. This is a respected Washington University
influential in foreign policy affairs.
I am working on a book on post 1978 Cambodian political history.
This book will detail the struggles of the various political factions
since your political organization was in power until 1978 until the
current period. Obviously the struggles of the DK play a key, significant
and dominating part of this period of Cambodian history and I want to
reflect accurately the leading role of your party and army during this
period. If you choose to talk to me about it, I would be honoured. The
book I expect will be widely read by policy makers and historians and it
is important that people understand the nature of your struggle. I
would hope that you would find it important to invite me back to discuss
this important part of Cambodian history. This would require I meet
senior leaders of the DK Party.
I am officially, once again, requesting that I be able to meet
you, Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Ta Mok and other key leaders of your movement.
But let me be clear: Do not invite me back if I am only to be lectured
by a mid-level cadre such as HE Mak Ben and treated as though I am a
messenger boy for the U.S. government. It is a waste of my time, money
and effort.
Lastly, and importantly, I wanted to follow up on a matter of
great personal interest to me that I raised several times before,
including in my recent trip where I met HE Mak Ben in the liberated
zones. During the last months, I have followed with great interest the
fate of my friend Christopher Howes, who was seized by your forces while
conducting humanitarian work removing land mines from agricultural
areas in rural villages near your liberated zones.
I have received irrefutable and precise and clear information
from Cambodian and other sources that Chris has been killed by forces
under your command. I know this to be true. His family and the
international community want and need to know the proof of the fact that
Chris is dead so they can rest in peace from a traumatic months of
anguished uncertainty. I am sure you are aware that all over the world
during times of conflict that these situations arise and that innocent
people die after straying into harms way. I will ensure that you will be
given due credit as having acted on humanitarian good will by providing
proof of Chris’s death so his family may have some closure to this
unfortunate tragedy.
Please contact me to let me know what I can do to help bring this
chapter, which has brought the DK considerably bad publicity and will
continue to do so, until there is proof and closure to Chris’s case.
I would like to request once again that I be able to meet with
you and HE Pol Pot and speak about important Cambodian political issues
of newsworthy interest to the Far Eastern economic Review., but I am on a
limited budget.
Do not invite me back if I am only to meet with a low ranking
cadre such as Mak Ben. It is, frankly, a waste of my time, effort, and
money. My trip to accept your invitation to the liberated zones where I
met Mak Ben cost me a huge portion of my total budget to research my
current work projects, and I have to be very careful how I spend my
money.
As you know, I have devoted much of my professional life to
attempting to report fairly on Cambodian political issues because of my
great fondness for Cambodia and its people.
My current situation allows me to have significant influence on
those involved in making foreign policy decisions regarding Cambodia.
But in order for me to have influence, I must have knowledge. In order
to have knowledge and credibility, I must have access. I think you can
see we have some common interests here. So once again, I request
formally that you allow me to visit the liberated zones to speak with
you and to HE Pol Pot on these issues of critical importance to Cambodia
and its future.
If I can not meet with people of your rank or senior, please do not, in the future, waste my time or yours.
With Sincere and warm regards,
Nate Thayer
Cambodia Correspondent
Far Eastern economic Review
******************************************
Letter to a senior Khmer Rouge cadre based at their
clandestine jungle headquarters of Anlong Veng, responding to his
handwritten, hand delivered messages to me by human runners in Phnom
Penh, June 1997:
Dear XXX,
I have been here in Surin for several days. I got your messages. I am sending this note with our Thai friends.
I would very much like to see you. Maybe our Thai friends can
request if you ask them to. Please stay in contact. I will await your
reply. I hope you are safe and well.
Best regards,
Nate
Another message from me given to a Cambodian government
general on a remote mountain military base in the northwest Cambodian
jungle, late June 1997. He was on a secret visit by helicopter to Khmer
Rouge headquarters delivering ammunition to Khmer Rouge forces mutinying
against Pol Pot but not yet successfully:
Dear XXX,
I hope you have received my messages through the usual channels. I am
writing this from O’Smach where I came yesterday driving by car from
Siem Riep.
I very much want to come talk to you or Khieu Samphan and understand
the real situation regarding Pol Pot. If I was to see you, your message
would be spread clearly and honestly to the world. Now everyone is very
confused as to the changes in the DK leadership and what your objectives
are.
The reason is there is no independent confirmation of anything. This I
could provide so the world could receive your message clearly.
You would then not have to worry about efforts to distort or block or
manipulate your message. I will report the facts honestly, as you know
well over the years.
Please make arrangements with our Thai friends and/0r friends in the
Cambodian government to invite me and give permission for me to enter
Anlong Veng and your liberated zones. I can either cross from Thailand
or cross from the Cambodian side in the jungles near O’Smach.
I will await your reply through the usual channels or through General XXX XXX
I hope you are healthy and safe.
Sincerely,
Nate
A few days later, in June 1997 after Pol Pot had been
captured by mutinying forces, a hand scrawled message delivered to me on
a mountain top in Northwest Cambodia when a helicopter briefly touched
down, a soldier ran out and gave me a scrap of paper, from the same
senior Khmer Rouge cadre by Cambodian government military
intermediaries:
Dear Friend,
I am pleased to receive your short message. We have many
difficulties and I have a lot to talk to you about. I will meet with you
soon. The time and place will be arranged later with the help of our
Thai friends. You can trust them.
XXX
****************************************************************************************************************
Handwritten letter to me hand delivered in Phnom Penh June
22, 1997 by the governor of Siem Riep province, General Tuon Chhay.
General Tuon Chhay, a senior Funcinpec official, had just defected from
the Funincpec Party in an internal rift. Ten days before Pol Pot had
assassinated his defence Minister, Son Sen, and Khmer Rouge troops had
mutinied against him. While there had been no formal confirmation, Pol
Pot and his loyalists had been captured by the Khmer Rouge army chief
and confusion reigned in the jungles and Phnom Penh as to what the true
situation was. A week later, Hun Sen and the CPP would launch a coup
against Funcinpec and a new civil war erupted:
Dear Friend,
I am well as are my colleagues.
I fought the leadership in the Party of HE Prince Ranariddh
because otherwise the Funcinpec Party will go down. But I have small
support from the high ranking officials of Funcinpec, but the grassroots
people and the older Funcinpecists support me.
I have learned the real situation of Funcinpec but the corrupt
high Funcinpec people (the high ranking one did not) do not realize that
the Funcinpec will be driven down. They are spoiled by the victory of
the last election. They do not think to work properly as I had expected,
but the CPP does their job. I feel very ashamed of Funcinpec and of
the CPP.
Now they accuse me that I sell my head to be a puppet of the CPP.
They know (Funcinpec) how to criticize, but they do not know how to work.
The relations, cooperation and collaboration with the CPP is
destroyed. Each side, they move to strengthen their own parties but not
the government. There is no political stability.
Today, June 22, my close little brother went to Anlong Veng. He
saw Pol Pot who is staying in a secret house. He (P.P) looks very old
and very sick.
Within the next few days, Khieu Samphan will declare from Prwah
Vwihear temple to abolish his Khmer Rouge party as well as their
provisional government of “National Solidarity.”
Chan Youran, Pech Bun Reth, Mak Ben, Tep Khun Nal, Thioun Thioun,
Ko Bun Heng were all captured since June 15 by Ta Mok. Now they stay in
Anlong Veng.
Your Friend,
Chhay
A week later, the CPP launched a coup against Ranariddh and
Funcinpec, killing hundreds, and driving tens of thousands to the jungle
and across the border to Thailand. One month later, on July 25, 1997, I
was allowed into the jungle headquarters of Anlong Veng, where I
witnessed and photographed the jungle trial of Pol Pot. It was the first
time he had been seen or photographed in two decades.
***********************************************************************************************************
Letter from the Foreign editor of the wall Street Journal nominating me for a Pulitzer Prize, January 1998:
My nomination for the Pulitzer Prize by the Wall Street
Journal–1998. This letter of nomination was written by the WSJ Foreign
Editor John Bussey:
January 5, 1998
Urban Lehner
Nayan Chanda
Nate Thayer
Urban/Nayan/Nate—Here, FYI, is my nominating letter for
Nate’s story. I’m entering it for U.S. newspaper awards: the Pulitzer,
the Polk (already sent) and the OPC. Just a reminder: I wrote this for
strategic reasons, in a manner that emphasizes the U.S. newspaper
coverage, noting that the story was published in the Review the same
day.
Best, Bussey–NY
Pulitzer nomination, International Reporting
Nate Thayer’s Interview With Pol Pot
In the pantheon of 20th century butchers, Pol Pot has always
rated a spot on the A-list. The world lost count of how many Cambodians
he and his genocidal Khmer Rouge killed during the 1970′s and subsequent
years. The accepted figure: somewhere in the millions.
For the last twenty years, Pol Pot remained a murderous enigma–a
shadow variously reported deposed, injured or dead. No one outside the
innermost circle of his communist cadre had even spoken with the man.
The most recent photograph of him dated from 1979. On the run, deep in
the Cambodian jungle, criss-crossing his killing fields, Pol Pot eluded
his enemies, eluded accountability, eluded explanation.
That is, until freelance reporter Nate Thayer, at great personal
risk, tracked down and interviewed Pol Pot. It was the journalistic coup
of 1997. Writing for the Wall Street Journal in the U.S. and its sister
publication, the Far Eastern economic Review in Hong Kong, and
publishing his exclusive interview on the same day in both the Journal
and the Review, Thayer ripped away Pol Pot’s anonymity. His feature
length story, written under intense deadline pressure, was riveting:
Here was the mass murderer, unrepentant,explaining the geopolitics of
genocide, talking wistfully of fatherhood and his 12-year old
daughter–writing history. Thayer’s story was an international sensation,
and virtually every major publication and broadcaster in the world
picked up lengthy excerpts. Indeed, no single international story in
1997 transcended Thayer’s blockbuster interview with Pol Pot.
Sometimes the story behind the story is as exemplary, and this is
one of those times. Nate Thayer’s pursuit of Pol Pot began in 1989,
when he started reporting from Thailand on the Khmer Rouge. Freelancing
for U.S. and Asian publications, he made dozens of trips into the
jungle, sleeping and eating with the guerrillas, reporting on
firefights, gaining the confidence and respect of all sides in the
deadly conflict. On one reporting trip he was gravely injured when the
truck he was riding in hit a land mine, killing several of his
companions.. He contracted cerebral malaria, and was hospitalized
several times. His stories inevitably infuriated one side or the other.
One commander broadcast a reward for his capture; another ordered him
assassinated on sight.
All the while, Thayer pressed to see Pol Pot. In June of this
year, he sensed his opportunity was at hand: Khmer Rouge radio announced
Pol Pot had been arrested as a traitor. Thayer began working his
extensive set of guerrila contacts in Cambodia, Thailand and Europe,
sending messages through operatives and meeting in the jungle with field
commanders. He sometimes found himself in the thick of the
fighting–only to retreat and start the process over again.
In a letter to his Journal editors, Thayer writes about one trip
into a Khmer Rouge zone this summer: “We were not told where we were
going or who we were going to meet. I was very aware that the last three
Westerners who had gone to this exact area had been murdered and that a
government negotiating team that was invited in February had been
ambushed and that 11 of the 15 members of the team were executed. The
others are still being held hostage. We did not know who was in
control–whether anyone was in full control–and whether there were
factions that opposed my visit. The jungle was thick along the road as
we descended the mountain, a place easily ambushed. I had been ambushed
before in guerrilla areas after being assured that the areas were
secure. It was not irrelevant that the Khmer Rouge executed many foreign
journalists in their day. I was not relaxed.”
His years of cultivating friendships with peasant commanders paid
off. After five months of working his network, Thayer was taken into
the jungle and permitted to watch a Khmer Rouge trial of Pol Pot, and
then, several weeks later, granted the first interview in two decades
with the deposed despot.. His extraordinary freelance story on October
23 in the Wall Street Journal and the Far Eastern economic Review was
the result. (Thayer subsequently, in November, joined the Review staff.)
For his notable courage, and top notch journalism, we are pleased
to nominate Nate Thayer for the Pulitzer Prize in International
Reporting.
October 23, 1997, Wall Street Journal, An Interview With Pol Pot: Master of the Killing Fields, By Nate Thayer
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Award from the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, November 1998, Harvard University International Consortium of Investigative Journalists 1998 Award For Outstanding International Investigative Reporting
Judges Commendation
The winner of ICIJ’s first award for international investigative
reporting rescued history with his courageous and enterprising reportage
on the final days of Pol Pot.
He illuminated a page of history that woul have been lost to the
world had he not spent years in the Cambodia jungle, in a truly
extraordinary quest for first-hand knowledge of the Khmer Rouge and
their murderous leader. His investigations of the Cambodian political
world required not only great risk and physical hardship but also
mastery of an ever-changing cast of factional leaders.
His amazing persistence, as well as endurance and bravery,
allowed him to be a witness to the final days of one of history’s most
barbaric despots. he was the only representative of the press allowed to
attend the jungle trial of Pol Pot by his disillusioned Khmer Rouge
Peers. He was the only Westerner later to be able to interview Pol Pot
at length.
he, alone, was able to ask the murderer the eternal
question—why?–on behalf of the millions of Cambodians exterminated under
the Pol Pot regime.
His reporting was serious and informative on the factions and
personalities that led to a once untouchable ruler being tried by his
own people. And, yet, he was extremely restrained about his own
presence. A lesser journalist would have drawn attention to his
achievement in obtaining these worldwide exclusives.
Nate Thayer’s years of hard work, detailed reporting, and clear
understanding of Cambodia’s murky politics gave the world a ringside
seat at the demise of one of the most notorious leaders of the 20th
century.
The judges, therefore, would like to commend you, Nate, for a
remarkable piece of journalism and present you with this first ICIJ
Award for Outstanding International Investigative Reporting.
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The new-fangled world of journalism requires a significant effort at
self funding, as virtually all institutional budgets supporting in-depth
investigative journalism has been eliminated in recent years. This
genre of journalism is as time consuming and expensive as it is vital.
It is an unpleasant process for most of us, but less unpleasant than
ceasing pursuing this essential genre of quality, in depth journalism.
In order to succeed, the Kickstarter campaign requires that the full
funding target goal must be raised within a set period of days (my
campaign will probably be 30 days) or the project will not be supported
at all.
The costs for a high quality production of this project are
substantial. The details of what it will cost, and the specific funding
targeting each aspect of the larger project, to bring these projects to
fruition will be laid out in the Kickstarter campaign. That campaign
will begin by February 1 and will last for 30 days.
Any thoughts, criticisms, or comments are welcome here, or by email at thayernate0007@gmail.com or through my blog site at natethayer.wordpress.com or on my Face Book page
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ensure it reaches fruition , please go to my blog site
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push to donate, or use one of the above mentioned alternatives to show
your support. Grateful thanks in advance and stay tuned…
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