Ukraine’s Leader Flees the Capital; Elections Are Called
KIEV,
Ukraine — Abandoned by his own guards and reviled across the Ukrainian
capital but still determined to recover his shredded authority,
President Viktor F. Yanukovych fled Kiev on Saturday to denounce what he
called a violent coup, as his official residence, his vast, colonnaded
office complex and other once impregnable centers of power fell without a
fight to throngs of joyous citizens stunned by their triumph.
While
Mr. Yanukovych’s nemesis, former Prime Minister Yulia V. Tymoshenko,
was released from a penitentiary hospital, Parliament found the
president unable to fulfill his duties and exercised its constitutional
powers to set an election for May 25 to select his replacement. But with
both Mr. Yanukovych and his Russian patrons speaking of a “coup”
carried out by “bandits” and “hooligans,” it was far from clear that the
day’s lightning-quick events would be the last act in a struggle that
has not just convulsed Ukraine but expanded into an East-West
confrontation reminiscent of the Cold War.
With
the riot police they battled for days having disappeared, the
protesters claimed to be in charge of security for the city. There was
no sign of looting, either in the city proper or in the presidential
compound.
A
pugnacious Mr. Yanukovych appeared on television Saturday afternoon,
apparently from the eastern city of Kharkiv, near Ukraine’s eastern
border with Russia, saying he had been forced to leave the capital
because of a “coup,” and that he had not resigned, and had no plans to.
He said indignantly that his car had been fired upon as he drove away.
“I
don’t plan to leave the country. I don’t plan to resign,” he said,
speaking in Russian rather than Ukrainian, the country’s official
language. “I am a legitimately elected president.” He added: “What is
happening today, mostly, it is vandalism, banditism and a coup d’état.
This is my assessment and I am deeply convinced of this. I will remain
on the territory of Ukraine.” He also complained of “traitors” among his
own former supporters but he declined to name them.
Regional
governors from eastern Ukraine met in Kharkiv and adopted a resolution
resisting the authority of Parliament. They said that until matters were
resolved, “we have decided to take responsibility for safeguarding the
constitutional order, legality, citizens’ rights and their security on
our territories.”
One of the few institutions still taking orders from the president was the official trilingual website of the Ukrainian presidency,
which posted a transcript of his defiant television appearance. But, by
evening, the text had appeared only in Ukrainian and Russian,
suggesting that his English translator had perhaps jumped ship.
The
former nerve center of Mr. Yanukovych’s power, the huge compound of the
presidential administration, just a few hundred yards from Independence
Square in Kiev, was empty Saturday aside from protesters who patrolled
its courtyard and blocked off a nearby street to prevent residents
swarming into the building. Ukrainian flags flying outside had all been
lowered to half-mast, in honor of those killed by police officers and
snipers on Thursday.
Mr.
Yanukovych said in his television appearance that he would be traveling
to the southeastern part of Ukraine to talk to his supporters — a plan
that carried potentially ominous overtones, in that the southeast is the
location of the Crimea, the historically Russian section of the country
that is the site of a Russian naval base.
The president’s departure from Kiev, just a day after a peace deal with the opposition
that he had hoped would keep him in office until at least December,
capped three months of streets protests and a week of frenzied violence
in the capital that left more than 80 protesters dead. It turned what
began in November as a street protest driven by pro-Europe chants and
nationalist songs into a momentous but still ill-defined revolution.
With
nobody clearly in charge, other than the so far remarkably disciplined
fighting squads, lieutenants of Ms. Tymoshenko moved to fill the power
vacuum. With Oleksandr V. Turchynov, a former acting prime minister and
close ally of Ms. Tymoshenko, presiding over the Parliament, her
Fatherland party seemed to be in charge, at least temporarily.
With
a veto-proof majority of more than 300 of the 450 seats, Mr. Turchynov
guided the Parliament through the constitutional process of declaring
the president unable to fulfill his duties and setting a date for new
elections.
Ms. Tymoshenko herself, who was jailed by Mr. Yanukovych after losing the presidential election in 2010,
was released Saturday evening from the penitentiary hospital in eastern
Ukraine where she had been held, her representatives said. Many
Ukrainians — and virtually all of the pro-Western protesters — believe
her conviction was politically motivated and regard her as something of a
martyr to their cause. Late Saturday she appeared on the stage in the
Maidan square in a wheelchair and delivered a speech that was greeted by
cheers and chants of "Yulia! Yulia!"
Though
obviously in poor health, she is widely expected to run for president
in the coming election, if it comes off as scheduled.
But
with Mr. Yanukovych roaming around eastern Ukraine trying to rally
support and with the economy in free fall, the country seemed certain to
face severe new challenges in the months ahead. Adding to the
combustible mix was uncertainty over the intentions of Russia, which now
faces the loss of a key ally in a former Soviet republic and the
prospect of a new government led by people it scorned as terrorists and
fascists in what it considers a critical part of its own sphere of
influence.
It
was possibly with the Kremlin in mind that the White House issued a
statement Saturday welcoming the changes and stressing that, “The
unshakable principle guiding events must be that the people of Ukraine
determine their own future.”
American
officials said President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia told President
Obama in a telephone call on Friday that he would work toward resolving
the crisis, but his foreign minister, Sergey V. Lavrov, did not sound as
conciliatory. In a telephone call, he told the foreign ministers of
Germany, France and Poland, who helped mediate a short-lived peace deal
agreed on Friday, that opposition leaders who signed the accord with Mr.
Yanukovych had reneged on their commitments and were “following the
lead of armed extremists and pogromists, whose actions pose a direct
threat to Ukraine’s sovereignty and constitutional order.”
Russia’s
focus on the inviolability of Friday’s accord, however, marks an abrupt
change of direction as it had earlier distanced itself from the deal,
with its envoy to the Ukraine negotiations refusing to join European
diplomats in signing off on the accord.
Anticipating
the potential troubles, one of the president’s oldest and most stalwart
allies, the billionaire businessman Rinat Akhmetov, issued a statement
stressing the need to keep Ukraine “united,” an apparent rebuff to any
schemes to establish a new power center in the east.
“My
position remains unchanged: I am for a strong, independent and united
Ukraine,” said Mr. Akhmetov, Ukraine’s richest man. “Today I place a
special focus on the word ‘united’ as this has never been more
important.” Mr. Akhmetov and most other wealthy businessmen, who are
known as oligarchs, have infuriated protesters by declining throughout
months of protest to come out clearly against the president.
Having
amassed huge wealth under a deeply corrupt system headed by Mr.
Yanukovych since his election in 2010, Ukraine’s oligarchs could now
face an angry backlash from the street. That could well drag in
Oleksandr Yanukovych, the president’s dentist-turned-businessman son,
who is said to have amassed a fortune approaching $200 million since his
father took office.
The
economy will remain the greatest problem facing the country, once the
leadership questions are settled. The International Monetary Fund
remains a potential source of financing to replace the $15 billion that
Russia had made available before the protests. But that comes with an
insistence on austerity and economic changes that will inflict
considerable pain, and it is unclear if Europe or the United States will
be willing to do more.
“Nobody
wants to end up owning all the problems that Ukraine faces,” said Mark
Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, “the
country is bankrupt, it has a terrible, broken system of government and
insane levels of corruption.”
Correction: February 22, 2014
An earlier version of a picture caption in a slide show with
this article misstated the location of the presidential palace. It is
near the capital, Kiev, not within it.
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