Police Unleash Tear Gas in Hong Kong Protests
International New York Times | 28 September 2014

HONG
KONG — Pro-democracy clashes escalated in Hong Kong on Sunday as the
police unleashed tear gas in an effort to clear thousands of protesters
who have besieged the city government for three days.
The
Chinese government condemned the demonstration. But by confronting the
protesters in a bid to appease the Chinese Communist Party, the Hong
Kong authorities could risk angering even more city residents, experts
said.
The police efforts to contain the demonstrators triggered confrontation at the protest area and others nearby. After access to the area was blocked, thousands of supporters defied a police cordon and pushed their way onto a six-lane highway, bringing traffic to a standstill. At one entryway, the police also squirted pepper spray and raised their batons to ward off angry residents.
“At
this stage, it looks like they will have to show their fist,” said
Willy Wo-Lap Lam, a longtime commentator on Chinese politics who teaches
at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, while visiting the sit-in
protest site. “If the police mishandle this, then government leaders
will also appear ineffective.”

Police
lobbed canisters of tear gas into the crowd on Sunday evening after
spending hours holding the protesters at bay, according to The
Associated Press. The searing fumes from tear gas sent people fleeing
down the road.
The
Hong Kong government has been grappling with how to defuse the sit-in
protest that started on Friday night and lasted over the weekend,
swelling at times to a crowd of tens of thousands. The Chinese
government, which exercises sovereignty over Hong Kong as a “special
administrative region,” added to the pressure for a response by publicly
condemning the protests.
“The
central government adamantly opposes the various illegal acts that have
occurred in Hong Kong, damaging rule of law and social order,” said an
unnamed spokesman for the Chinese government Hong Kong affairs office,
according to Xinhua, the state-run news agency.
“We
have full confidence and firmly support the special administrative
region government in handling this according to the law, maintaining
social stability in Hong Kong, and protecting the safety of the lives
and property of Hong Kong residents,” the spokesman said.
For
Hong Kong’s police, clearing the protest area could be tricky, and
involve taking on potentially thousands of determined demonstrators in
an area broken up by barriers, concrete pylons and other obstacles that
could either protect protesters or create dangerous bottlenecks for the
crowd.
But
for Hong Kong’s leaders and Communist Party leaders in Beijing, the
protest also presents a political quandary: move too gently, and they
risk losing the initiative; move too forcefully, and they risk
alienating public sentiment in the city.
“What
is going on now, in addition to any immediate public order issues, is a
battle for the hearts and minds of the Hong Kong public,” said Michael
C. Davis, a professor of law at the University of Hong Kong who has
closely followed the election reform debate at the heart of the
protests.
“While
protest may have a weak chance of getting Beijing to back down,
indifference or heavy-handed tactics on the part of the Hong Kong
government could anger the public and increase support for the
protesters,” he said.
Although
the police had been practicing for months to quell planned protests
over election rule changes, they failed to prevent hundreds of students
from charging into a forecourt at the city government headquarters on
Friday, drawing many more supporters who occupied an avenue and open
areas next to the fenced-in forecourt. The students inside the forecourt
were dragged off by the police on Saturday, but the supporters outside
have stayed.
On
Sunday afternoon, the police began to seal off the sit-in area and
stopped most people from entering. The city leader, Leung Chun-ying,
told a news conference that the protesters were using illegal means to
threaten the government, and he declared his “absolute trust in the
professional judgment of the police.”
But
Benny Tai, an associate professor of law at the University of Hong Kong
who has led the city’s main pro-democracy campaign, said he and other
protesters were prepared to stay and peacefully resist any effort to
clear the area, which many of them call “Civic Square.”
“At
this stage, we will defend Civic Square with citizens and students
until the last minute,” Mr. Tai said in an interview, his voice raspy
after two days of constant speeches and interviews. He said that the
Hong Kong government’s response would probably be guided by advice and
signals from Beijing, which exercises sovereignty over the city.
“It’s
hard for me to guess what the Chinese government thinks,” he said. “A
responsible government that loves its people would be moved and touched.
But I’m not sure they love their own people.”
Several
democratic politicians in Hong Kong said the unexpected strength of the
young protesters had persuaded an older generation to cede more
influence to student activists, who seem less open to compromise with
authoritarian Beijing.
“What
happened since yesterday was beyond our expectation,” Albert Ho, 62, a
member of the Democratic Party in Hong Kong’s Legislature, said in an
interview late Saturday.
“Now
the younger people have taken control and used their advantage of
surprise,” Mr. Ho said at an exuberant rally attended by thousands of
people, mostly in their 20s or younger, in front of the city government
offices. “This is something that will deeply concern the government.”
The
power of the young activists was underlined when Occupy Central with
Love and Peace, Mr. Tai’s group, announced an abrupt change in its plans
for civil disobedience protests in the city’s main financial district,
known as Central. Those demonstrations, which the organizers said were
likely to start on Wednesday, would oppose election proposals issued last month by the Chinese government that the campaign says do not offer authentic democratic options for choosing the city’s chief executive.
In
the early hours of Sunday, Mr. Tai announced that the students’
“occupation” in front of the city government offices would for now be
the base for his group’s protests as well.
“Students
have activated Hong Kong’s largest-scale civil disobedience campaign
ever,” Mr. Tai said from a small stage, in a speech punctuated by
roaring cheers and shouted slogans. He said the group was still
examining how it might stage protests in Central, as it first planned.
“We’ll begin,” he said, “by occupying the central government offices.”
Throughout
the weekend, protesters had turned the government complex beside
Victoria Harbour into a raucous but orderly camp. The protests started
after a weeklong boycott of classes by university students to protest
China’s election plan.
“We
think that this place is ours, not the government’s,” said Will Mak
Wing-kai, a student from the Chinese University of Hong Kong.
“I
want the government to be representative, elected by us from our
hearts, not by the Chinese government,” Mr. Mak said, rapidly taking
phone calls about organizing the swelling crowd. Under current electoral
laws, the chief executive is selected by a committee dominated by
Beijing loyalists.
On
Saturday, the crowd grew into many thousands, and veered from angry
jeering to an almost celebratory mood when the number of police officers
thinned. Official agencies offered no estimates of crowd totals.
Many
in the crowd — fearing that the police would use pepper spray, as they
had on Friday night and Saturday morning — unfurled umbrellas, donned
plastic raincoats and gauze masks, and put plastic wrap over their eyes.
Some wore yellow ribbons symbolizing hope for change. Seventy-four
people have been arrested since the confrontation started on Friday, the
police said Saturday.
Some
older protesters said the sight of the police squirting pepper spray at
the students, which was shown on television news reports, galvanized
support for the demonstration. In a society that reveres education, the
students have drawn an outpouring of donations from residents, who sent
bottled water, tissues and snacks, which accumulated into mountains of
supplies.
Some
sensed echoes from Beijing 25 years ago, when the students who occupied
Tiananmen Square received public support and donations before the
protests were brutally suppressed.
“They
are ready to pick up the democracy baton from the student movement in
China in 1989,” said Sunny Lau, 57, who said he had been pepper-sprayed
by the police at this weekend’s protests.
Since
Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, the former British
colony has kept its independent courts and legal protections for free
speech and assembly, as well as a robust civil society. But many
democratic groups and politicians say those freedoms have eroded under
mainland China’s growing political and economic influence.
The
current chief executive, Mr. Leung, has backed Beijing’s plan for
electoral changes, which for the first time would let the public vote
for the city’s leader, starting in 2017. But critics say the plan
includes procedural hurdles that would screen out candidates who do not
have Beijing’s implicit blessing, making the popular vote meaningless.
Anger
with the Chinese government runs especially deep among Hong Kong
residents in their 30s and younger, according to polls. Younger
residents feel squeezed by rising housing prices and living expenses and
lack of upward mobility, and they often accuse the government of
pandering to tycoons.
“I
think unfairness is spreading in Hong Kong, and because of the
political system,” said Edith Fung, 21, a student of land surveying. “I
don’t want Hong Kong to change to be like China, with corruption,
unfairness, no press freedom, no religious freedom.”
Ms.
Fung said she had been indifferent to politics until this year, and Eva
Mo, a nursing student who helped provide first aid to protesters, said
she was participating in her first demonstration against the government.
“They treated the students like children,” she said. “We only asked for
dialogue. But there was none.”
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