In praise of RCAF Inc
Cambodia's defence minister lauded a decade of corporate
sponsorship of the country’s military, which he said had enabled
underfunded units to acquire weapons with the backing of affluent
supporters.
Prime Minister Hun Sen’s policy on the relationship between
Cambodia’s powerful tycoons – known as oknhas – and the armed forces and
government departments was formalised in a sub-decree passed in
February 2010, and has been roundly condemned by rights groups ever
since.
But Minister of Defence Tea Banh, speaking at a gathering of hundreds
of military officials and business people at the Peace Palace
yesterday, said the policy had been a resounding success, as it had
unlocked funds for the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF) to purchase
weaponry and allowed officers to get a taste for development.
“It is a culture of sharing and contributing to our nation, between civil institutions and RCAF, during a period in which the armed forces have faced difficult living conditions,” he said, without naming the companies that had funded the weapons purchases.
“The issue is that members of the RCAF are not allowed to run
businesses, as it is against the law, so the idea of the premier is good
and it has been successfully implemented,” he added.
“Seventy-three per cent of our annual budget went to salaries … and
the remainder we used to repair barracks, so we don’t have enough money
to buy weapons or aircraft,” Banh said.
“We needed hardware, so lots of private companies gave us money to buy weapons. I don’t want to reveal their names.”
According to the 2010 decree, the major sponsors are Pung Kheav Se,
owner of Canadia Bank and the Koh Pich Development Company; Kith Meng,
head of the Royal Group; and Cambodian People’s Party Senator Ly Yong
Phat, who has interests in sugar plantations and casinos.
Other sponsors include logging baron Try Pheap, CPP Senator Kok An,
rubber magnate Mak Kim Hong, Hun Sen’s daughter Hun Mana, petroleum
mogul Sok Kong, and tycoons Lao Meng Khin and Choeung Sopheap.
Foreign firms are also known to have established military-commercial
alliances with RCAF units, such as China’s Unite Group, which sponsors
Hun Sen’s Bodyguard Unit.
Companies represented at yesterday’s event, however, made no mention
of large cash payments for weapons, instead referring to small projects
to dig wells and minor agricultural investments.
Banh said that the policy had only begun to gain popularity around
the time of the border clashes with Thailand over the Preah Vihear
Temple in 2008, when numerous business people came forward with
donations.
Hun Manet, commander of the 911 Airborne Brigade’s counter-terrorism
unit, which receives training from US special forces and is sponsored by
Phan Imex owner Suy Sophan, said the list of companies engaged in
sponsorship arrangements had grown from the original 42 to more than
100.
General Chea Dara, RCAF deputy commander-in-chief, said the
military’s role was to secure the position of the ruling CPP, alluding
to a speech by Banh earlier this week in which he said the military
would intervene against alleged attempts to foment revolution.
“A colour revolution will absolutely not be allowed. If it happens,
we will not need to use BM-21 [rocket launchers] or tanks, we’ll just
use sticks,” he said.
Josie Cohen, senior campaigner at corruption monitor Global Witness,
said that the military had repeatedly protected the private business
interests of its sponsors, often using violence and forced evictions.
“Over the past five years, we have seen repeated human rights abuses
committed by military units protecting the interests of private
companies, particularly in the land sector.
The government should scrap this sponsorship program and the broader corporate-military nexus it reinforces,” she said.
Opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party MP Son Chhay, who is the
deputy head of parliament’s Finance Commission, said that yesterday’s
gathering showed that the CPP had “declared that the army belongs to
them, which is contrary to our constitution”.
“It’s going to be a real danger to our stability. When the army takes
sides and becomes involved in politics, this is where the trouble
starts,” he said.
“I think the majority of the armed forces think they are the army of
the nation. But a number of senior military [officials] who have gained
their positions through the party have been thinking that they must
support the party. But these people are retiring now – they are getting
old.”
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