but who instead of adding to the cycle of cynicism, channeled it into citizenship, into the notion that we are still one people, compelled by love of country to live with one another, and charged with the responsibility to make the compromises
The Anti-Party Men: Trump, Carson, Sanders and Corbyn
International New York Times | 8 September 2015
Donald
Trump didn’t even swear allegiance to his party’s eventual nominee
until last week. He is a lone individual whose main cause and argument
is Himself.
Ben
Carson has no history in politics and a short history in the Republican
Party. He is a politically unattached figure whose primary lifetime
loyalty has been to the field of medicine.
Bernie Sanders is a socialist independent, who in the Senate caucuses with the Democrats.
And yet, these anti-party figures are surging in the party races for the presidential nominations.
This
phenomenon is even more extreme in Britain. The British Labour Party
suffered a crushing election defeat in May because people did not think
its leader was strong enough, and because they thought its policy agenda
was too far left.
And
yet at the moment the favorite to become the next leader of the British
Labour Party is Jeremy Corbyn. Mr. Corbyn has existed for decades on
the leftward fringe of the Labour Party, tolerated as sort of a nice but
dotty uncle.
He
spent much of his career at the edge of the parliamentary party,
writing columns for The Morning Star, a communist-founded newspaper.
He’s a pacifist who called for British withdrawal from NATO. He’s spent
his career consorting with the usual litany of anti-Western figures,
including his friends in Hamas and Hezbollah. Until about three months
ago he was considered the most outside of the outsiders — until a cult
of personality developed around him, rocketing him to the top of the
polls.
These
four anti-party men have little experience in the profession of
governing. They have no plausible path toward winning 50.1 percent of
the vote in any national election. They have no prospect of forming a
majority coalition that can enact their policies.
These
sudden stars are not really about governing. They are tools for their
supporters’ self-expression. They allow supporters to make a statement,
demand respect or express anger or resentment. Sarah Palin was a pioneer
in seeing politics not as a path to governance but as an expression of
her followers’ id.
Why has this type risen so suddenly?
There
has always been a tension between self and society. Americans have
always wanted to remain true to individual consciousness, but they also
knew they were citizens, members of a joint national project, tied to
one another by bonds as deep as the bonds of marriage and community.
As
much as they might differ, there was some responsibility to maintain
coalitions with people unlike themselves. That meant maintaining
conversations and relationships, tolerating difference, living with
dialectics and working with opposites. The Democratic Party was once an
illogical coalition between Northeastern progressives and Southern
evangelicals. The G.O.P. was an alliance between business and the farm
belt.
But
in the ethos of expressive individualism, individual authenticity is
the supreme value. Compromise and coalition-building is regarded as a
dirty and tainted activity. People congregate in segregated cultural and
ideological bubbles and convince themselves that the purest example of
their type could actually win.
The
young British left forms a temporary cult of personality around Jeremy
Corbyn. The alienated right forms serial cults around Glenn Beck, Herman
Cain, Palin, Trump and Carson.
These
cults never last because there is no institutional infrastructure. But
along the way the civic institutions that actually could mobilize broad
coalitions — the parties — get dismissed and gutted. Without these broad
coalition parties, the country is ungovernable and cynicism ratchets up
even further.
Maybe
this is a summer squall and voters will get interested in the more
traditional party candidates come autumn, the ones who can actually win
majorities and govern. But institutional decay is real, and it’s what
happens in a country in which people would rather live in solipsistic
bubbles than build relationships across differences.
I
wonder what would happen if a sensible Donald Trump appeared — a former
cabinet secretary or somebody who could express the disgust for the
political system many people feel, but who instead of adding to the
cycle of cynicism, channeled it into citizenship, into the notion that
we are still one people, compelled by love of country to live with one
another, and charged with the responsibility to make the compromises,
build the coalitions, practice messy politics and sustain the
institutions that throughout history have made national greatness
possible.
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