“Vietnam is mature enough to view Hun Sen’s comments on Facebook as driven by domestic concerns, that is, playing on anti-Vietnamesesentiment,” he said in an email.“I do not think it has resulted in any marked deterioration in state to state relations,”
Hun Sen and Vietnam: Best Friends Forever?
Cambodia Daily | 2 September 2016
Facebook posts were meant for a domestic rather than diplomatic audience, but said the issues raised by the posts were real.“Hun Sen probably would not have chosen to antagonize Vietnam over the South China Sea absent real Chinese pressure, but his decision to do so reflects a recalibration driven both by domestic political and strategic calculations,” Mr. Ciorciari said
Last week, Vietnamese Facebook user Bao Lam stopped by Prime Minister Hun Sen’s Facebook page to give him a piece of her mind.
“Cambodia
eats the porridge then pisses in the bowl,” she wrote in Vietnamese,
using an idiom from her country. “Vietnam has sacrificed both our blood
and money to save the Cambodian people from genocide. Now Hun Sen is
turning his back on Vietnam.”
“Cambodia will eventually be poisoned and exterminated” by China, she predicted.
Half
an hour later, the prime minister responded to the comment, which had
received no likes and came from an account that appeared to have been
created in April.
[Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum pretending to be opposing parties]
“If you or your country has a problem with China, please solve it peacefully,” Mr. Hun Sen, who speaks fluent Vietnamese, wrote in English, apparently referring to Vietnam’s ongoing dispute with its northern neighbor over maritime territory in the South China Sea.
“Do
not blame me and do not involve Cambodia to your country’s internal
issue. Of course, I am faithful to my nation, my King and my own wife,”
he wrote.
The conversation
further deteriorated from there, with Ms. Lam saying the prime minister
would not be perched in his “high chair” without Vietnamese help.
“May [I] ask if this is your own word or its from [your] leader’s suggestion to attack me?” Mr. Hun Sen retorted.
The
vigor of Mr. Hun Sen’s responses—coupled with recent border tensions
and simmering disputes over China’s maritime claims—suggest a dip in the
government’s relations with its former minders in Hanoi, who installed
Mr. Hun Sen’s administration after overthrowing the Khmer Rouge regime
in 1979.
But analysts say his
public positioning has as much to do with CPP pre-election showmanship
as diplomatic maneuvering, even as Cambodia’s increasingly cozy
relationship with China could spell longer-term tension.
The prime minister’s spat with Ms. Lam—the latest of several similar exchanges—echoed through the halls of diplomacy.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement on Sunday slamming
Vietnamese citizens who “have committed the immoral acts insulting the
leader of Cambodia” and asking Hanoi to “punish those people.”
On
Wednesday, the Vietnamese government responded by distancing itself
from the posts without promising any specific punishment for offending
Facebook users.
“We do not
agree with using the right of freedom of expression to insult someone or
to break up traditionally good sentiment between people of both
countries,” it said in a statement.
Meanwhile,
officials from the two countries remain at loggerheads over a shared
border that the opposition CNRP has long claimed is being pushed west by
Vietnamese military and civilian incursions—a position that has won the
party significant popular support.
A
Joint Border Committee meeting between officials from both countries
ended on Tuesday without a statement amid a dispute over “uti
possidetis,” the legal principle that countries continue to possess the
territory they held at colonial independence.
Vietnam
is continuing to build outposts in several “white zones”—undemarcated
areas that both countries have agreed to stay out of—along the border
and has not responded to diplomatic requests to stop.
Opposition
lawmakers and activists claim that farmers in border provinces continue
to rent land to Vietnamese farmers, a practice that the prime minister
banned in November.
Cambodia has also
repeatedly refused to join Vietnam and other Asean neighbors in formally
rebuking China’s claims in the South China Sea, with many analysts
saying that Cambodia’s compliance has been bought by China’s abundant
aid. A recent Reuters report on U.S.-China relations described Cambodia
as “increasingly seen as a Chinese satellite.”
Government spokesman Phay Siphan, however, said Cambodia and Vietnam remained fast friends.
“Both sides have experience to solve problems since 1979,” Mr. Siphan said. “The neighboring countries always have some differences.”
Carl
Thayer, an emeritus professor at the Australian Defense Force Academy
in Canberra, said Vietnamese officials knew the difference between the
prime minister’s public posturing and more serious backroom diplomacy.
“Vietnam
is mature enough to view Hun Sen’s comments on Facebook as driven by
domestic concerns, that is, playing on anti-Vietnamese sentiment,” he
said in an email.
“I do not think it has resulted in any marked deterioration in state to state relations,” he added.
The
prime minister’s social media presence is used to “recoup his image
among the youth in Cambodia and to demonstrate that Hun Sen is in
control.”
Political
analyst Ou Virak agreed that the Facebook posts and border disputes
were not indicative of a foreign relations impasse.
However, “I sense an increase in politicization of the border tension by both political parties,” he said of the CPP and CNRP.
“Growing
popular calls for attention to be paid to border issues” have made it
“an issue that they can no longer afford to avoid.”
The
South China Sea dispute figures less prominently in the public
consciousness, Mr. Virak said, and could be used by the CPP to highlight
Cambodian independence.
“They’re
going to play a semi-nationalist card,” he predicted, pointing to the
prime minister’s Facebook comments as part of that trend.
John
Ciorciari, a Cambodia scholar and associate professor at the University
of Michigan’s Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, agreed that the
Facebook posts were meant for a domestic rather than diplomatic
audience, but said the issues raised by the posts were real.
“Hun
Sen probably would not have chosen to antagonize Vietnam over the South
China Sea absent real Chinese pressure, but his decision to do so
reflects a recalibration driven both by domestic political and strategic
calculations,” Mr. Ciorciari said in an email.
The
prime minister “clearly sees a close relationship with China as his
regime’s key international backstop as the CPP’s electoral support
wanes. His former patrons in Hanoi lack China’s financial heft and
diplomatic clout, and close ties to Vietnam are a domestic vulnerability
Cambodia’s opposition leaders are keen to exploit,” he said.
“By
siding with China so clearly on the Paracel and Spratly feuds, Hun Sen
has made the prospect of a balanced foreign policy more difficult in the
future.”
Hanoi resident Do Duc
Anh, who went to Mr. Hun Sen’s Facebook page last week to criticize the
premier’s stance on the South China Sea, said his post reflected his
country’s mood.
“In Vietnam, I
think people are very upset,” he said in a Facebook message. They are
“disappointed due to Hun Sen’s behavior about [the] South China Sea
problem.”
The 21-year-old gaming-website editor said he had no plans to stop badgering Mr. Hun Sen.
“I
think I’ll post on his wall if I see something about Vietnam-Cambodia
relationship or something else about ASEAN and China,” he said.
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